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U.S. Department of Justice Drug Enforcement Administration U.S. DRUG THREAT ASSESSMENT: 1993 DRUG INTELLIGENCE REPORT Availability, Price, Purity, Use, and Trafficking of Drugs in the United States SEPTEMBER 1993 DEA-93042 EXECUTIVE ASSESSMENT COCAINE Availability/Price/Purity In 1992, domestic cocaine prices fluctuated as successful law enforcement operations led to a short-term (3-month) impact on cocaine trafficking from South America. During April through June 1992, shortages of wholesale quantities of cocaine resulted in an increase in the kilogram price in many major U.S. metropolitan areas. Throughout the remainder of the year, however, cocaine was readily available as kilogram prices in virtually all major metropolitan areas returned to lower levels. Preliminary data for early 1993 indicate that kilogram prices remain at low levels. Nationwide purity of cocaine at the kilogram, ounce, and gram levels averaged 83, 74, and 64 percent, respectively, during 1992 compared to 86, 72, and 59 percent, respectively, during 1991. A temporary decline in purity at all levels of the traffic was noted during July through September 1992. However, by year's end, purity at all levels had once again increased. Use Regarding the use of cocaine, the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 indicated that the number of past-year and past-month users of cocaine has decreased significantly since 1985. Nevertheless, frequent or more intense use of cocaine has not shown a statistically significant change during the past several years. According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, cocaine use continued to decline among high school seniors and 10th graders. Among 8th graders, however, survey data indicated increased use of cocaine. Reporting from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) shows that the estimated number of nationwide cocaine-related emergency room episodes, which had been increasing at a fairly constant rate from the early-to- late 1980s, declined significantly from FY 1989 to FY 1990. During the latter half of FY 1991, however, the number of episodes increased once again and appears to have stabilized at high levels since that time. Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the smoking of cocaine continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for cocaine-related problems. The percentage of patients who indicated that smoking was their primary method of administration increased from 34.3 percent during FY 1989 to 41.4 percent in FY 1992. Rates of cocaine use detected through urinalysis testing of recently booked male and females arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use Forecasting Program (DUF), remained high in many major U.S. cities in 1992. In fact, rates of cocaine use during the past year were substantially higher than those for opiate and marijuana use. Trafficking Since early 1992, DEA field divisions have increasingly cited Central American countries as transshipment points for U.S.-bound cocaine shipments. Reporting indicates cocaine is transported from source countries to Central American countries by land, air, and sea conveyances. From Central America, cocaine shipments are transported to the United States by land, sea, and air directly or through Mexico. Cocaine traffickers, perceiving enhanced law enforcement activity along the United States-Mexican border and in the western Caribbean, have subsequently diversified their smuggling routes into the United States. DEA field divisions report that cocaine traffickers are increasingly using routes employed four to six years ago. This diversification includes greater use of the eastern Caribbean and the eastern Bahamas as well as increased importation into the eastern United States. The use of maritime containerized cargo to smuggle bulk quantities of cocaine into the United States continues to challenge U.S. Government drug interdiction efforts. Many DEA field divisions report the use of cargo containers to conceal and transport cocaine among legitimate goods. Additionally, cocaine trafficking organizations continue to use maritime vessels such as pleasure craft and fishing vessels to smuggle cocaine from source countries into the United States. Moreover, traffickers utilize low-profile vessels designed to elude radar detection for smuggling cocaine into Puerto Rico. Several DEA field divisions report cocaine trafficking organizations have increased their use of airdrop operations. Cocaine traffickers are airdropping cocaine shipments in the Caribbean and off the coast of, as well as within, Central America and Southern Mexico. Additionally, South American cocaine traffickers have acquired several large cargo aircraft, thereby increasing cargo capacity while overcoming the limited flight range of smaller aircraft. U.S. law enforcement efforts along the United States-Mexican border continue to force regional cocaine traffickers to alter their operations. DEA and U.S. Border Patrol seizures since early 1992 indicate that cocaine traffickers have decreased the average size of cocaine shipments and shifted transportation routes to less trafficked ports of entry. For example, in response to an enhanced law enforcement presence in southern California, traffickers are increasingly using U.S. ports of entry as far east as McAllen, Texas, to transport cocaine to California. Domestic Distribution The primary domestic importation points for cocaine remain Arizona, southern California, south Florida, and Texas. The principal cities utilized by Colombian cartels for distributing bulk quantities of cocaine include Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York City. Within the United States, cocaine traffickers continue to use commercial and private vehicles, trains, airlines, and the postal service to transport cocaine. Concealed compartments within vehicles are commonly cited by DEA field divisions. Moreover, cocaine traffickers using tractor-trailers frequently secrete cocaine in hidden compartments and among legitimate produce. Extensive use of commercial trucks to transport cocaine from the Los Angeles metropolitan area to destinations throughout the United States occurred during the past year. The Cali Cartel's method of operation in the United States remains highly sophisticated and compartmentalized. U.S. bases of operation are comprised of multiple cells operating within major metropolitan areas including Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. The operators of these cells receive orders directly from top-level cartel managers in Colombia, and operate independently of other cells within the same metropolitan area. The operators utilize the latest technology, such as computers, pagers, facsimile machines, etc., in their daily operations. Cellular telephones are often bought in bulk quantities and then discarded after being used for several months or less in order to thwart law enforcement telephone intercept efforts. In general, the Medellin Cartel's method of operation in the United States is not as compartmentalized as that of the Cali Cartel. The drug trafficking groups which comprise the Medellin Cartel employ a group decision-making process at the top level as opposed to a hierarchical decision-making process employed by the Cali Cartel. At the lower levels, Medellin-related trafficking groups are not as restricted as those associated with the Cali Cartel regarding the variety of distributors with whom they transact business. Hispanic trafficking organizations, particularly Colombian and Mexican, continue to dominate wholesale cocaine trafficking and distribution within the United States. A greater diversity, however, has become involved in these activities at all levels of the domestic traffic since early 1992. During 1992, four cocaine conversion laboratories were seized within the United States, two in New York City, one in California, and one in Florida. To date in 1993, one cocaine base conversion laboratory was seized within the United States in Hurleyville, New York. CRACK COCAINE Availability/Price/Purity Crack continues to be readily available in virtually every major city and, to a somewhat lesser extent, many small towns and rural areas in the United States. Crack manufacturing and distribution have reached a saturation point in the larger metropolitan areas. The national price for a rock or vial of crack ranges from as low as $2 to as high as $75, but generally sells for $10 to $50, depending upon the size, normally 1/10 to 1/2 gram. Gram prices range from $45 to $150. Ounce-quantities can be purchased for $475 to $2,500. When available in kilogram quantities, crack prices are comparable to those for kilogram quantities of cocaine hydrochloride, ranging from $17,000 to $35,000. Analysis of crack samples by DEA laboratories during the mid-to-late 1980's revealed that retail purity was consistently high, averaging 80- plus percent. Although current retail purity remains approximately at that level, sellers in some areas of the country are selling poor- quality crack. Adulterants are increasingly being added to increase the weight or size of the crack dosage unit. Use The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 showed that the number of lifetime, past-year, and past-month users of crack declined significantly from 1991 to 1992. Survey data indicate that 314,000 Americans used crack during the past month and over 805,000 used it during the past year. According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, lifetime use of crack among seniors declined from 1991 to 1992; however, past-year, past-month, and daily use of crack by this group remained relatively stable during that period. Nevertheless, overall frequency of crack use among high school seniors has decreased substantially since 1987. Reporting from DAWN indicates that smoking is the predominant route of cocaine administration used by patients admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for cocaine-related problems. Trafficking The higher levels of crack trafficking are controlled by many small (up to 10 members) and mid-sized (10 to 40 members) trafficking organizations consisting of bands of individuals from distinct ethnic groups. The main participants involved in wholesale crack trafficking are Los Angeles-based street gangs, Jamaican posses, and Haitian and Dominican groups. Saturated markets, low prices, violent competition, and effective law enforcement pressure in major urban areas have forced some crack trafficking organizations to develop new markets. These organizations are moving to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas across the nation, creating many problems for local law enforcement and civic authorities. The largest and more advanced organizations are crisscrossing the nation in this effort, with the Jamaican posses moving generally westward and the Crips and Bloods expanding eastward. HEROIN Availability/Price/Purity Within the United States, heroin is readily available in all the major metropolitan areas having user populations. During 1992 and the first few months of 1993, there was an increase in purity at the retail level, and increased supplies available from Southwest Asia. (Note that high- purity heroin has been imported from Colombia in increasing quantities in the past year. This heroin from Colombia, which underwent signature analysis prior to DEA's development of a South American heroin signature in July 1993, was analyzed as having a Southwest Asian (SWA) signature. As a result, it may account in part for both the increased purity and quantity of SWA heroin available in the United States.) Data from DEA's Domestic Monitor Program indicate the 1992 nationwide average heroin purity at the retail (street) level was 37 percent, considerably higher than the average purity of 26.6 percent recorded in 1991. Heroin purity at the street level was generally highest in the northeastern United States, where a large percentage of the nation's user population lives. According to DEA's Heroin Signature Program (HSP), Southeast Asian (SEA) heroin was the predominant type of heroin available in the United States for the fifth year in a row, accounting for 44 percent of the HSP samples analyzed in FA 1992 and 58 percent of the total net weight of these samples. U.S. airports, particularly New York's JFK International Airport, are primary entry points for heroin destined for the U.S. market, based on seizures analyzed through the HSP. The nationwide average net weight of airport seizures was almost 800 grams and the average purity of heroin seized at these airports was 73 percent. Use The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 indicated a decrease in the number of past-year heroin users. Survey data show that the number of Americans 12 years of age or older who have used heroin at least once in the past year declined from 381,000 in 1991 to 323,000 in 1992. During that same time frame, however, the number of past-month heroin users increased from 83,000 to 107,000. (Estimates of heroin use from the Household Survey are considered very conservative due to the probable under-coverage of the population of heroin users.) According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, heroin use increased among high school seniors. The survey revealed that 1.2 percent of the seniors in the class of 1992 had used heroin at least once in their lifetime, up from 0.9 percent in the class of 1991, yet still below the peak of 1.3 percent reported in the classes of 1989 and 1990. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of nationwide heroin-related emergency room episodes, which had been fluctuating somewhat during the past several years, increased substantially from the first to the second half of FY 1992. During that period, the number of heroin-related episodes rose from 18,192 to 24,593, an increase of 35 percent. Cities showing substantive increases during the latter half of FY 1992 in the number of heroin-related emergency room episodes included Baltimore, Boston, Los Angeles, New York City, and Seattle. Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the injection of heroin continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients admitted to emergency rooms for heroin-related problems. However, the percentage of patients who indicated that injection was their primary route of administration has decreased from 79.1 percent in FY 1989 to 73.9 percent in FY 1992. During this same period, there was an increase in the percentage of patients who snorted heroin. Those who snorted heroin rose from 4.8 percent in FY 1989 to 8.8 percent in FY 1992. Rates of opiate use (to include heroin) detected through urinalysis testing of recently booked male and female arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use Forecasting Program, remained relatively low and stable in 1992 when compared to rates for cocaine and marijuana. Trafficking Major SEA heroin trafficking organizations, often under the control of Sino-Thai and Chinese criminal groups, oversee the smuggling of SEA heroin into the United States, particularly New York City, and are primarily responsible for smuggling the largest bulk shipments, generally in the multihundred-kilogram range. The largest shipments are secreted in containerized freight aboard commercial maritime vessels and air freight cargo. Smaller shipments are smuggled in the luggage of airline passengers, strapped to the body, or swallowed. In addition to Chinese and Sino-Thai traffickers, Nigerians remain deeply entrenched in the smuggling of SEA heroin. Nigerian traffickers rely primarily on dispatching large numbers of internal body couriers traveling aboard commercial airlines bound for the United States. As a result of enforcement pressure, Nigerians continue to recruit other ethnic groups, including other West Africans, Europeans, and American citizens, as heroin couriers. Importation and distribution of SWA heroin is much less centralized than that for SEA heroin, both geographically and in regard to trafficking groups. Most SWA heroin trafficking groups in the United States are highly cohesive and difficult to penetrate because they are based on ethnic, familial, and tribal relationships. As a result, SWA heroin trafficking and distribution are generally more prevalent in cities having large populations from Afghanistan, Greece, Lebanon, Pakistan, and Turkey, such as Chicago, Detroit, and New York. Mexican heroin is produced almost exclusively for the U.S. heroin market. The smuggling and distribution of Mexican heroin to and within the United States is controlled by organizations composed of Mexican nationals and Mexican Americans. Mexican trafficking organizations are often made up of family members, lifelong friends, and other trusted associates. The availability of heroin from Colombia increased in the United States during the latter half of 1992 and early 1993, according to seizure analysis and investigative reporting. At present, Colombian heroin traffickers are attempting to establish distribution outlets in the United States, particularly in the metropolitan areas of the northeast and, as a result, are smuggling a heroin of very high purity, generally 80-plus percent. According to the El Paso Intelligence Center, the number of Colombian couriers who were arrested on commercial airlines carrying heroin into the United States increased from 41 in 1991 to over 260 in 1992, with most of these arrests occurring at either Miami or New York's international airports. CANNABIS Availability/Price/Potency Marijuana, a Schedule I controlled substance and by-product of the Cannabis sativa L. plant, remained the most commonly used illegal drug in the United States during 1992. Both the cannabis plant and delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the plant's primary psychoactive chemical, are controlled substances. According to DEA reporting, 34 percent of a non-sinsemilla plant contains usable material (the leaf and bud components) and 58 percent of a sinsemilla plant contains usable material. The yield of a cannabis plant is determined by its diameter and the density of the grow area. The lower the plant density of the grow area, the higher the yield of usable material. The average plant yield for mature, domestically grown sinsemilla is approximately 1.25 pounds per plant. The average plant yield for mature, domestically grown commercial grade marijuana is approximately three-quarters of one pound per plant. Marijuana prices have increased substantially over the past decade. Commercial grade marijuana prices rose from $350 to $600 per pound 10 years ago to $300 to $3,000 per pound in 1992. Sinsemilla prices rose from $1,000 to $2,000 per pound 10 years ago to $650 to $9,600 per pound in 1992. Law enforcement efforts have forced some cultivators indoors to avoid detection. Indoor growers cultivate higher potency sinsemilla marijuana, which permits them to charge higher prices. Scarcity caused by law enforcement operations also has increased prices. Domestic cultivation trends of significance in recent years include cultivator efforts to enhance the potency of marijuana by using advanced agronomic techniques. As a result, the average THC content of marijuana has risen considerably in the last ten years. Furthermore, record-high THC contents were reported in 1992 and 1993. These record- high THC contents are an indicator of the continuing trend by indoor growers to produce higher potency marijuana. According to the 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, approximately 67.5 million Americans have tried marijuana at least once in their lifetime compared to 61.9 million in 1985. Nevertheless, survey data indicate that the frequency of marijuana use has declined substantially from 1985 to 1992. Overall, past-year, past-month, and past-week use of the drug nave diminished by nearly 45 percent during that period According to the National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, the long- term decline in the use of marijuana among 12th graders continued in 1992. However, there was also a decrease in the proportion of 12th graders who believed there was "great risk" associated with regular marijuana use, possibly presaging a reversal of the downward use pattern. In addition, among 8th graders, lifetime, past-year, and past- month use of marijuana marginally increased from 1991 to 1992. Moreover, 8th graders in the class of 1992 were less likely to view marijuana use as dangerous compared to 8th graders in the class of 1991. Also, the proportion of 8th graders who personally disapproved of marijuana use declined from 1991 to 1992. These shifts in perception may explain the increased use of marijuana among 8th graders. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area marijuana-related emergency room episodes, which had declined from FY 1989 to FY 1991, increased once again during FY 1992. The large majority, approximately 80 percent, of patients treated for cannabis- related hospital emergencies use marijuana with other substances. Patients use marijuana most frequently with alcohol and cocaine. Marijuana use detected through urinalysis testing of recently booked male and female arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use Forecasting Program, increased significantly in many major U.S. cities in 1992. Trafficking Mexico accounted for most of the foreign marijuana available in the United States during 1992. Colombia ranked as a distant second as a foreign source of marijuana. Commencing in early 1992, Jamaican traffickers increased marijuana shipments to the United States. DEA, in conjunction with Federal and State law enforcement agencies, conducted an aggressive cannabis eradication program in 1992. The effort resulted in the eradication of millions of cannabis plants, the arrest of thousands of violators, the forfeiture of millions of dollars in assets, and the seizure of several thousand weapons. Moreover, the number of indoor growing operations seized in 1992 (3,849) reached an all-time high. The movement toward indoor production is believed due primarily to successful law enforcement efforts to curtail outdoor cultivation. The five major cultivated cannabis-producing States in 1992 were Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, and Hawaii, respectively. These five States accounted for approximately 44 percent of the cultivated cannabis eradicated during 1992. METHAMPHETAMINE Availability/Price/Purity Methamphetamine is the most prevalent clandestinely manufactured controlled substance in the United States. Availability is concentrated primarily in the western and southwestern United States where most clandestine methamphetamine manufacture occurs. The price of methamphetamine at the wholesale (pound) level has remained relatively constant during the past four years. Currently, methamphetamine prices range from $5,000 to $22,000 per pound, $300 to $2,500 per ounce, and $45 to $200 per gram. Nationwide purity of methamphetamine at the ounce and gram levels averaged 46 and 53 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to 35 and 34 percent, respectively, during 1991. (Pound purity levels are unavailable due to infrequency of purchases at that level.) Use The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1991 showed that an estimated 5.2 million Americans, 12 years of age and older, have used methamphetamine at least once in their lifetime. (Survey data for prior years are unavailable. Survey data for 1992 are not yet available.) Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area methamphetamine-related emergency room episodes decreased at a relatively steady rate from the first half of FY 1989 through the first half of FY 1992. However, this downward trend reversed itself during the latter half of FY 1992. During the second half of FY 1992, there was a 52-percent increase in the number of emergency room episodes involving methamphetamine. DAWN emergency room data also indicate that methamphetamine abuse is concentrated in the metropolitan areas of San Diego, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. In San Diego and Los Angeles, methamphetamine-related hospital emergencies increased sharply during the latter half of 1992. Illicit Manufacture According to DEA reporting, 288 domestic methamphetamine laboratories were seized during 1992, accounting for 87 percent of all clandestine dangerous drug laboratory seizures. The 1992 figure represents a nine- percent decrease from the previous year's total of 315 laboratories seized and continues the downward trend in laboratory seizures, which began in 1990. The main reason for the decrease in laboratory seizures is the ongoing enforcement of Federal and State chemical-control legislation. The 1988 Chemical Diversion and Trafficking Act (CDTA) became effective in 1989, and enables the Federal Government to regulate listed essential chemicals used in the clandestine synthesis of dangerous drugs. Over the past three years, most States have passed legislation similar to the CDTA. Approximately 83 percent of the methamphetamine laboratory seizures during 1992 occurred in the DEA Dallas, Denver, Los Angeles, Phoenix, San Diego, San Francisco, and Seattle, Field Divisions. This clearly indicates that the manufacture of methamphetamine is still based primarily in the western and southwestern United States. Manufacturing/Distribution Organizations Throughout the United States, numerous individuals, groups, and organizations-from independent entrepreneurs and outlaw motorcycle gangs to Mexican poly-drug trafficking organizations-currently manufacture and distribute methamphetamine. (Although late arrivals in the methamphetamine arena, Mexican traffickers are capable of using their high-volume production methods and large-scale distribution networks to substantially increase the drug's availability in the United States. For this reason, domestic law enforcement considers the Mexican poly-drug traffickers involvement in methamphetamine a significant threat.) Chemical Diversion Chemical control legislation enacted at the Federal and State level has made it increasingly difficult for laboratory operators to obtain needed chemicals. Consequently, trafficking organizations have been forced to seek new sources and develop ways in which to circumvent the law. LSD Availability/Price/Purity Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) availability has increased in the last two to three years and it is available in at least retail quantities in virtually every State in the United States. The sources of supply for most of the LSD available in the United States are located in the northern California area. LSD is relatively inexpensive with an average street dosage unit or "hit" costing approximately five dollars, and often as little as one or two dollars. Retail-level doses are seen primarily in blotter paper form. Currently, LSD potency or strength, which ranges from 20 to 80 micrograms per dosage unit, is considerably below levels reported during the 1960s and early 1970s when potency ranged from 100 to 200 micrograms (or higher) per dosage unit. The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1991 estimated that 11.8 million Americans 12 years of age or older have used LSD at least once in their lifetime compared to 8.4 million in 1985. (Survey data for 1992 are not yet available.) According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, current (monthly) use of LSD among 10th and 12th grade students remained relatively stable from 1991 to 1992. Among 8th graders, however, current use of LSD increased during that same time frame from 0.6 percent to 0.9 percent. Moreover, past-year use of LSD rose in all three grade levels from 1991 to 1992. In fact, past-year use of LSD among seniors in the class of 1992 increased to the highest level since at least 1985. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of nationwide LSD- related hospital emergency room episodes increased from FY 1989 to FY 1990. Although abuse patterns have been somewhat erratic since that period, the current number of LSD-related episodes remain above those reported during FY 1989. Illicit Manufacture An increasing number of individuals are attempting to manufacture LSD. Many of these individuals are not associated with the traditional northern California groups that are believed to have produced most of the LSD available in the United States since the late 1960s. Distribution At the wholesale production and distribution level, LSD remains tightly controlled by California-based organizations, which have operated with relative impunity for over two decades. Mid-level distribution networks in the United States are generally comprised of young adults who have known each other through long years of association and common interests. Public and private mail systems appear to be the primary means used for the transportation and distribution of retail and wholesale quantities of LSD. A total of six clandestine synthesis LSD laboratories have been seized since 1981; however, these were all seized prior to 1987. PCP Availability/Price Phencyclidine, commonly referred to as PCP, is available in varying degrees in a limited number of U.S. cities. During 1992, PCP in liquid form, the most common form available in the United States, sold for $150 to $1,000 per ounce nationally. The lowest liquid ounce prices were reported in Los Angeles, the source for most of the PCP trafficked in the United States. PCP enjoyed a brief popularity in the late 1960's and again from the mid-to- late 1970's. In 1978, PCP was transferred from Schedule III to Schedule II of the Controlled Substances Act, thus classifying it as a drug with a high potential for abuse. From the period 1981 through 1985, abuse of the drug escalated significantly, particularly among persons under the age of 21. Around 1986, and continuing through the late 1980's and early 1990's, demand for PCP was displaced in large measure by the widespread availability and use of crack cocaine. More recently, however, there are indications that PCP abuse is increasing once again in a number of cities. The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse showed that lifetime and past-year PCP use among the U.S. household population decreased from 1985 to 1990; however, 1991 and 1992 survey data indicate an end to this downward use pattern. On the other hand, according to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, PCP use among 12th graders has declined significantly during the past seven years. This diminished use is believed due in large part to a significant increase among 12th graders in the perceived risk of harm associated with PCP usage. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan-area PCP-related emergency room episodes, which had been declining at a substantial rate during the past three years, rose from 1,353 during the first half of FY 1992 to 2,380 during the second half of FY 1992, a more than 75-percent increase. Cities having high or increased PCP abuse rates during the second half of FY 1992 included Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. Trafficking and Illicit Manufacture Reporting indicates that the majority of the nation's PCP supply is manufactured and distributed by Los Angeles-based street gangs. While buses, trains, and airlines are used to transport PCP from California sources of supply, private automobiles are believed to be the primary means for transporting PCP across the country. Four PCP laboratories were seized in 1992 compared to three in 1991. No PCP laboratories have been seized thus far in 1993. PCP laboratory seizures since the mid-1980's have ranged from three to 21 per year, totals which are considerably less than the high of 79 reported in 1978. COCAINE AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY In 1992, domestic cocaine prices fluctuated due to successful domestic and international law enforcement operations, which caused a short-term (3-month) impact on cocaine trafficking from South America. Following a period of adjustment, cocaine traffickers once again found the means to facilitate the shipment of multiton quantities of cocaine to the United States. In 1992, cocaine prices ranged from $11,000 to $42,000 per kilogram nationally in comparison to 1991 prices, which ranged from $11,000 to $40,000 per kilogram nationally. During April through June 1992, shortages of wholesale quantities of cocaine resulted in an increase in the kilogram price in many major U.S. metropolitan areas. Throughout the remainder of the year, however, cocaine was readily available as kilogram prices in virtually all major metropolitan areas returned to lower levels. Preliminary data for early 1993 indicate that kilogram prices remain at low levels. Nationwide purity of cocaine at the kilogram, ounce, and gram levels averaged 83, 74, and 64 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to 86, 72, and 59 percent, respectively, during 1991. A temporary decline in purity at all levels of the traffic was noted during July through September 1992; however, by year's end, purity at all levels had increased once again. Nationwide purity of cocaine at the kilogram, ounce, and gram levels averaged 83, 74, and 64 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to 86, 72, and 59 percent, respectively, during 1991. A temporary decline in purity at all levels of the traffic was noted during July through September 1992; however, by year's end, purity at all levels had increased once again. USE The 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (see appendix) showed that the number of past-year and past-month users of cocaine has decreased significantly since the peak year of 1985. During 1992, five million Americans 12 years of age and older had used cocaine in the past year compared to 12.2 million in 1985. In 1992, 1.3 million had used cocaine in the past month compared to 5.8 million in 1985. Nevertheless, frequent or more intense use of cocaine has not shown statistically significant change during the past several years. Among the five million people who used cocaine in the past year, 642,000 used it once a week or more in 1992 compared to 625,000 in 1991 and 662,00 in 1990. The survey also showed that approximately 80 percent of past-month cocaine users were young adults ages 18 to 34 in 1992. As in the past, the rate of past-month cocaine use in 1992 was highest among young adults 18 to 25 years old (1.8 percent of the U.S. population) and ages 26 to 34 years (1.4 percent of the U.S. population). The past-month cocaine prevalence rate for the 12- to 17-year-old age group has decreased from 1.1 percent of the U.S. population in 1988 to 0.3 percent in 1992. Similarly, the 18- to 25-year-old age group has experienced dramatic decreases in prevalence from 4.5 percent of the U.S. population in 1988 to 1.8 percent in 1992. For the 26- to 34-year-old age group, the rate has declined from 2.6 percent to 1.4 percent. The rate for persons aged 35 and older has shown variability, but remained virtually unchanged since 1988 (0.3 percent of the U.S. population and 0.2 percent in 1992). Lastly, the prevalence rate of past-month cocaine use among the total U.S. population was estimated at 0.6 percent in 1992 compared to 1.5 percent in 1988 and 0.9 percent in 1991. According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse(see appendix for additional survey information), cocaine use continued to decline among high school seniors. Survey results showed 6.1 percent of seniors in the class of 1992 said they had used cocaine at least once in their lifetime, down from 7.8 percent in the class of 1991 and down from a peak of 17.3 percent in the class of 1985. Among 10th graders, lifetime cocaine use decreased from 4.1 percent in 1991 to 3.3 percent in 1992. Among 8th graders, however, lifetime use of cocaine increased from 2.3 percent in 1991 to 2.9 percent in 1992, and past-year use increased from 1.1 percent to 1.5 percent. Other findings from the survey indicate that fewer 8th graders in 1992 associated great risk of harm with occasional cocaine or crack cocaine use than did 8th graders in 1991. There was also a decrease in the proportion of 10th graders saying there is great risk of harm with occasional cocaine use. Reporting from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) (see appendix for further information on DAWN) shows that the estimated number of nationwide cocaine-related emergency room episodes, which had been increasing at a fairly constant rate from the early-to-late 1980's, declined significantly from FY 1989 to FY 1990. During the latter half of FY 1991, however, the number of episodes increased once again and appears to have stabilized at high levels since that time. A number of drug epidemiologists and treatment specialists believe a possible explanation for this trend reversal is that many hard-core cocaine users are now experiencing the consequences of long-term addiction. As a result, an increasing number of users are seeking public medical assistance. Reporting from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) (see appendix for further information on DAWN) shows that the estimated number of nationwide cocaine-related emergency room episodes, which had been increasing at a fairly constant rate from the early-to-late 1980's, declined significantly from FY 1989 to FY 1990. During the latter half of FY 1991, however, the number of episodes increased once again and appears to have stabilized at high levels since that time. A number of drug epidemiologists and treatment specialists believe a possible explanation for this trend reversal is that many hard-core cocaine users are now experiencing the consequences of long-term addiction. As a result, an increasing number of users are seeking public medical assistance. Nationwide, during the fourth quarter of FY 1992, approximately one in four(28.3%) emergency room drug abuse episodes involved cocaine. Metropolitan areas having a significantly higher proportion of drug emergencies involving cocaine include: Baltimore (63.5%), Atlanta (56.3%), Philadelphia (54.1%), New Orleans (48.2%), Chicago (46.7%), New York (46.3%), Newark (44.2%), Detroit (41.4%), Miami (39.1%), Washington, D.C. (37.5%), St. Louis (36.0%), and Boston (34.8%). Reporting from DAWN also indicates that smoking continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for cocaine-related problems. The percentage of patients who indicated that smoking was their primary method of administration increased from 34.3 percent during FY 1989 to 41.4 percent in FY 1992. During the same time frame, there was a decrease in the percentage of patients who injected or snorted cocaine. Those who injected or snorted cocaine decreased from 22.0 percent and 14.0 percent, respectively, during FY 1989, to 20.2 percent and 11.1 percent, respectively, during FY 1992. Rates of cocaine use detected through urinalysis testing of recently booked male and female arrestees, as reported by the Drug Use Forecasting Program (DUF) (see appendix for further information on DUF), remained high in many major U.S. cities in 1992. In fact, rates of cocaine seducing the past year were substantially higher than those for opiate and marijuana use. Among the highest was Philadelphia, where 63 percent of the sampled population tested positive for cocaine use. In New York City, the figure was 62 percent; in Atlanta, 58 percent; in Chicago, 56 percent; in Miami, 56 percent; in Cleveland, 53 percent; and in Los Angeles, 52 percent. Cocaine use among recently booked female arrestees was also high in many cities. In New York City, 72 percent of the female arrestees sampled tested positive for the use of cocaine; in Philadelphia, 67 percent; in Cleveland, 66 percent; in Washington, D.C., 64 percent; in Kansas City, 62 percent; in St. Louis, 62 percent; and in Detroit, 62 percent. TRAFFICKING General Overview The primary domestic importation points for cocaine destined for U.S. consumption remain Arizona, southern California, south Florida, and Texas. The principal cities utilized by Colombian cartels for distribution of multi-hundred or multi-thousand kilogram quantities of cocaine include Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York. While the Medellin Cartel remains a significant supplier of cocaine to the major U.S. distribution cities, the Cali Cartel continues to control most of the cocaine brought into New York City, Miami, and Los Angeles. Staging sites in the southwestern United States, where some stockpiling occurs while awaiting transportation, are supplied with cocaine by Mexican smugglers using couriers or tractor-trailers, other vehicles, and commercial cargo. Organized groups of Cubans, Dominicans, Jamaicans, Mexicans, and African-American gangs provide retail-level distribution of the drug in major U.S. cities. In addition, both the Medellin and Cali Cartels maintain operational headquarters in major U.S. cities to control wholesale distribution networks. During the last year, as in the past, traffickers shifted or diversified trafficking routes following major seizures. Traffickers appear to be only temporarily affected by the interdiction of pipelines and are taking an average of 10 to 14 days to reestablish operations. This suggests continued use of imaginative concealment methods and the use or maintenance of multiple-delivery pipelines and systems to avoid law enforcement. Routes Cocaine traffickers perceiving enhanced law enforcement activity along the United States-Mexican border and in the western Caribbean have subsequently diversified their smuggling routes into the United States. DEA field divisions report that cocaine traffickers are increasingly using routes employed four to six years ago. This diversification includes greater use of the eastern Caribbean and the eastern Bahamas as well as increased importation into the eastern United States. This trend was highlighted by the July 1992 seizure of 5.2 metric tons of cocaine in Panama which was destined for Baltimore. Moreover, DEA Miami reports that the Medellin Cartel has established a significant presence in The Bahamas, utilizing the area as a transit point for cocaine en route to south Florida. Increased cocaine trafficking through the eastern Caribbean includes greater use of Puerto Rico, which appears to be a primary target of cocaine traffickers who use it as a transshipment point for cocaine destined for the United States, Canada, and Europe. While the smuggling of cocaine by general aviation aircraft into Puerto Rico continues, maritime smuggling is the primary method of transporting cocaine to the island. The appeal of Puerto Rico as a cocaine transit point is enhanced by two factors: the first is the proximity of Puerto Rico to South America, and the second is that once cocaine is successfully smuggled into Puerto Rico, it can be shipped to the continental United States with little likelihood of U.S. Customs screening. Since early 1992, DEA field divisions have increasingly cited Central American countries as transshipment points for U.S.-bound cocaine shipments. This was highlighted by the April 1992 seizure of 6.7 metric tons of cocaine in Miami transshipped through Guatemala and by the July 1992 seizure in Panama noted previously. During the past year, every Central American country was cited as a transshipment point for U.S.- boundcocaine. Reporting indicates cocaine is transported from source countries to Central American countries by land, air, and sea conveyances. From Central America, cocaine shipments are transported to the United States by land, sea, and air directly or through Mexico. U.S. law enforcement efforts along the United States-Mexican border continue to force regional cocaine traffickers to alter their operations. DEA and U.S. Border Patrol seizures since early 1992 indicate that cocaine traffickers are increasingly transporting smaller (10 to 50 kilograms) cocaine shipments across less trafficked ports of entry such as Calexico and Tecate, as opposed to transporting large (multihundred kilogram) cocaine shipments across more frequently used border crossing points such as San Ysidro. Additionally, in response to law enforcement in southern California, traffickers increasingly use U.S. ports of entry as far east as McAllen, Texas, to smuggle cocaine to California. Methods of Transportation and Concealment Maritime Transportation The use of maritime containerized cargo to smuggle bulk quantities of cocaine into the United States continues to challenge U.S. Government drug interdiction efforts. Many DEA field divisions report the use of cargo containers to conceal and transport cocaine among legitimate goods. Additionally, cocaine is sometimes hidden in the walls and support beams of cargo containers as well as in, or attached to, the vessels themselves. DEA reporting indicates an increased demand by cocaine traffickers for cargo ships in order to transport bulk quantities of U.S.-bound cocaine. Furthermore, U.S. Customs reports the large volume of cargo arriving at domestic ports, coupled with the U.S. Customs capability of inspecting only a small portion of this cargo, continue to be factors operating in favor of smuggling organizations. The use of low-profile vessels by cocaine traffickers has made maritime interdiction extremely difficult off the coast of Puerto Rico. DEA reporting indicates these vessels, fabricated of wood and/or fiberglass and measuring up to only 40 feet in length, are difficult to visually detect since their coloring blends with the ocean. Moreover, their profiles of only one to two feet above the water are not always detectable by radar. Investigative reporting indicates these vessels transport up to one metric ton of cocaine and sail directly from Colombia to Puerto Rico without being detected. Cocaine trafficking organizations also rely heavily on the use of noncommercial maritime vessels. Pleasure craft and fishing vessels are used to smuggle cocaine from source countries into the United States. Pleasure craft carrying cocaine enter U.S. waters by blending in with weekend "traffic "along the southeastern coast where weekend vessel activity is heavy. Fishing vessels are also used to carry cocaine directly into the United States as well as to transfer cocaine to other vessels off the coast. Air Transportation DEA San Diego, Los Angeles, and Miami report cocaine trafficking organizations have increased their use of airdrop operations. Cocaine traffickers are airdropping cocaine shipments in the Caribbean and off the coast of, as well as within, Central America and southern Mexico. A combination of law enforcement successes, including those of the United States-Mexican Northern Border Response Force, and conflicts between trafficking organizations for control of clandestine airstrips have contributed to trafficker avoidance of landing aircraft in northern Mexico. Consequently, a number of smuggling organizations, including traffickers associated with the Cali Cartel, feel it is less risky to airdrop cocaine shipments to ground or maritime crews in Central America or the Caribbean than to land aircraft in northern Mexico. South American cocaine traffickers have recently acquired several large cargo aircraft for the transport of cocaine, thereby increasing cargo capacity while overcoming the limited flight range of smaller aircraft. Moreover, cocaine traffickers within The Bahamas and elsewhere in the Caribbean continue to use smaller aircraft as decoys to divert law enforcement interdiction assets from actual smuggling operations being conducted in a different locale. Land Transportation Cocaine couriers employ several methods to counter trafficker profiles at or near the United States-Mexican border; these methods include traveling in family-type groups with women and children to avoid suspicion at checkpoints, hiring non-Mexicans to transport cocaine from United States-Mexican border areas into Los Angeles, and recruiting Anglo drivers and females to transport cocaine shipments. Kilogram bricks continue to be the predominant form of packaged cocaine smuggled into the United States. During the past year, DEA field divisions have frequently cited rubber/waterproofed packaging of cocaine. Additionally, seizures of multihundred kilograms of cocaine concealed in U-Haul cardboard boxes and 55-gallon drums increased. Tile- shaped cocaine (2"x 8"x 8"), vacuum-packed in metallic-type material, has also been reported. DEA and the U.S. Customs Service reported traffickers smuggle liquefied cocaine into the United States concealed in water tanks of mobile homes and recreational vehicles. Traffickers also have labeled 55-gallon drums of liquid cocaine to reflect the climatic conditions of the locale where the drums are shipped, i.e., a shipment to Chicago in the winter is labeled "antifreeze." During May 1992, U.S. Customs in Houston made the first seizure of liquid cocaine at Houston Intercontinental Airport from an Ecuadorian national enroute to New York City. DEA Miami reported small amounts of liquid cocaine are sometimes concealed within liquor bottles. Moreover, DEA San Diego and Baltimore reported traffickers are smuggling liquid cocaine into their areas of jurisdiction. Within the United States, cocaine traffickers continue to use commercial and private vehicles, trains, airlines, and the postal service to ship cocaine. The use of concealed compartments within vehicles is commonly cited by DEA field divisions. During the past year, several cocaine seizures involved multiple concealment sites within the same vehicle, a smuggling technique associated with marijuana trafficking. Popular vehicles among traffickers for transporting cocaine include Nissan vehicles and mini-vans. Additionally, some transportation organizations use rental vehicles to circumvent vehicle seizures. Cocaine traffickers who use tractor-trailers employ several methods to circumvent law enforcement. There is extensive use of elaborate hidden compartments to secrete cocaine within tractor-trailers. Additionally, cocaine is often hidden among legitimate produce such as onions and watermelons. On the West Coast, tractor-trailers obtain produce in the San Joaquin Valley to conceal cocaine destined for the Midwest and East Coast cities. Concealment of cocaine in tractor-trailers also includes the use of compartments in air-conditioning units, radiators, and batteries, containers welded in tire rims, and false walls. In the Southwest, large commercial vehicles and trucks are a primary method for transporting cocaine. An increase has been noted in the use of tractor- trailers to transport bulk cocaine shipments into the Chicago area. DEA reports truckers transporting cocaine sealed in odor-reducing wax among legitimate cargo to avoid detection at checkpoints and scales. Extensive use of commercial trucks to transport cocaine from the Los Angeles metropolitan area to destinations throughout the United States has occurred during the past year. In addition, traffickers continue to seek opportunities to recruit U.S. port officials to facilitate large cocaine shipments into the United States from Mexico by tractor-trailer. Domestic Distribution The Cali Cartel's method of operation in the United States remains highly sophisticated and compartmentalized. U.S. bases of operation are comprised of multiple cells operating within major metropolitan areas to include Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, New York, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. The operators of these cells receive orders directly from top-level cartel managers in Colombia and operate independently of other cells within the same metropolitan area. Cell operators utilize the latest technology, such as computers, pagers, and facsimile machines, in their daily operations. Cellular telephones are often bought in bulk quantities and discarded after being used for several months or less in order to thwart law enforcement telephone intercept efforts. In general, the Medellin Cartel's method of operation in the United States is not as compartmentalized as that of the Cali Cartel. The drug trafficking groups, which comprise the Medellin Cartel, employ a group decision-making process at the top level as opposed to the hierarchical decision-making process employed by the Cali Cartel. At the lower levels, trafficking groups can transact business with less restrictions on their choice of business associates. Peruvian traffickers reportedly ship cocaine concealed in maritime vessels and aircraft to the United States and distribute it in the Houston area independent of Colombian organizations. The use of Peru as a source area for multiton shipments of cocaine was evidenced during January 1992 by the seizure of five metric tons of cocaine aboard a maritime vessel. The vessel originated in Peru and was reportedly destined for the United States and Canada when it was interdicted in the Caribbean. Hispanic organizations, particularly Colombian and Mexican, continue to dominate wholesale cocaine trafficking and distribution within the United States. However, since early 1992, diverse ethnic groups, including those of Middle Eastern, East European, Central Asian, and East Asian descent, have become involved in these activities at all levels of the domestic traffic. Cocaine violators in urban areas, such as Boston and Atlanta, have expanded their distribution networks into rural areas, which have limited law enforcement resources, thereby reducing the risk of investigation and arrest. MISCELLANEOUS During 1992, the exchange of cocaine for heroin was reported in Boston, Calexico, New York City, and San Diego. The frequency of such exchanges appears to be increasing and involves foreign and domestic heroin traffickers seeking cocaine sources in the United States. In addition, during the past year, Southwest Asian heroin trafficking organizations sent heroin and opium via the international mail system to affiliates in the United States who then purchased cocaine for export to Europe. In 1992, four cocaine base conversion laboratories were seized within the United States; two in New York City, one in California and one in Florida. One of the laboratories seized in New York City was operational. This represented the first functioning cocaine laboratory seized in that city since 1987. Additionally, the operational New York City laboratory used a vapor eliminating device. The device, the first encountered by DEA that employed dry ice, allowed the laboratory to function in a densely populated area without the strong chemical odors normally associated with clandestine cocaine conversion laboratories. To date in 1993, only one cocaine base conversion laboratory has been seized within the United States in Hurleyville, New York. Drug traffickers use high-tech equipment, including night-vision goggles and radios with scramblers, as well as military hardware including assault rifles, hand grenades, and bulletproof vests. Trafficking organizations use scouts with radios to monitor law enforcement activities along the United States-Mexican border. A Texas cocaine organization recently attempted to purchase hand-held radios for surveillance and body armor for their street-level dealers. Traffickers have become more sophisticated in the use of electronics including scanners with police frequencies. Countermeasures employed by cocaine traffickers against U.S. law enforcement include the use of counter-surveillance and paid informants. Some traffickers study law enforcement methods of operation by reviewing evidence documents during court proceedings. Reportedly, defense attorneys employed by traffickers obtain investigative documents through the "right of the discovery process" and then transmit by facsimile informational reports to Colombia. CRACK COCAINE AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY The simplicity of the crack conversion process allows any person with access to cocaine hydrochloride (HCl) to be a potential source of crack. Because cocaine HCl is plentiful and cheap and can be obtained in virtually every area of the country, crack is, therefore, widely available. Crack is reported by drug epidemiologists and treatment professionals to be the illegal drug of choice in many U.S. cities. Notable exceptions include cities and towns along the southwest border, where drug traffickers are primarily concerned with transshipping the large amounts of cocaine HCl, marijuana, and heroin that are smuggled into the United States, and certain areas within several north-central and northeastern States that lack large ethnic minority communities, traditional strongholds for crack distribution and abuse. Nonetheless, three Haitian crack sellers were recently arrested in Portland, Maine, indicating that no region is immune to crack trafficking. Crack distribution and use appear to have reached the saturation point in large urban areas throughout the country. Intensive competition in the mid-to-late 1980's inundated the largest consumer pools with crack. As a result, a number of crack trafficking groups have relocated or extended their operations to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas; the primary motivation for this is profit. Simply put, a rock or vial of crack that sells for $5 to $10 in a large, well-populated area will command a significantly higher price, usually $25 to $40 in a smaller, less populated area. The national price for a rock or vial of crack ranges from as low as $2 to as high as $75 but it generally sells for $10 to $50, depending upon the size, normally 1/10 to 1/2 gram. In general, the larger cities have the lowest retail prices. Reporting from New York City indicates a dosage unit of crack sells for as low as two dollars, while a single puff on a crack pipe can be obtained for as little as 75 cents. Reporting from Philadelphia and Detroit indicates that crack can be purchased for as low as $2.50 and $3.00 per dosage unit, respectively. Prices for gram quantities of crack generally range from $45 to $150 nationally. At the ounce and kilogram level, crack prices are comparable to cocaine HCl prices and usually range from $475 to $2,500 per ounce and from $17,000 to $35,000 per kilogram. In the mid-to-late 1980's, a readily available supply of inexpensive and high quality crack at the retail level virtually eliminated any need for users to perform the crack conversion process themselves. Indeed, quality control was a major factor in marketing the drug. Analysis of crack samples by DEA laboratories revealed that purity was consistently high during that period, averaging 80-plus percent. Although retail purity remains high, averaging almost 83 percent in 1992, sellers in some areas of the country, such as New York, Los Angeles, and several cities in the Southeast, are selling poor-quality crack, cut with adulterants such as lidocaine and procaine. These adulterants increase the weight or the size of the crack and, therefore, the profits. Many retailers will sell recently prepared crack that has not been dried thoroughly and is still wet from the conversion process. This practice is most profitable when dealing in wholesale quantities where transactions are strictly determined by weight. At the dosage unit or retail level, where the size of the rock is of greater concern, procaine serves to increase the dimensions of the rock by adding holes or pockets of air, giving rise to the street term "blow-up." Obviously, the smaller the amount of pure cocaine present in the rock, the less intense euphoric reaction the user will experience. In addition, a limited number of retailers are selling bogus or "beat" crack to unfamiliar customers because their regular customers consume virtually the entire supply. Substitutes include soap, chalk, plaster, peanuts, popcorn, and candle wax, which is known on the street as "perp." Practices such as these are creating an increasing number of dissatisfied and wary customers. An almost inexhaustible supply of cheap, high-purity cocaine HCl, combined with a relatively simple and safe production process, makes home conversion by the crack user more appealing than the risk of purchasing and smoking low-quality or sham crack. In fact, sellers in some northeastern cities sell two qualities of cocaine HCl, a high-purity powder for users who will perform the conversion to crack themselves, and a low-purity powder for ingestion through snorting only. It has also been reported that users in Chicago prefer the freebase method of conversion in the belief that this method yields a higher purity product than the crack conversion process. USE The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 showed that the number of lifetime, past-year and past-month users of crack declined significantly from 1991 to 1992. The highest percentages of crack use were among those who were disproportionately represented in socioeconomic groups that have historically faced increased health risks, including African-Americans, the unemployed, and high-school dropouts, as well as young adults aged 18 to 34. According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, lifetime use of crack among high school seniors declined from 1991 to 1992; however, past-year, past-month, and daily use of crack by this group remained relatively stable during that period. Nevertheless, overall frequency of crack use among high school seniors has decreased substantially since 1987. Of particular concern is the slight rise in frequency of crack use among 8th graders. From 1991 to 1992, survey data indicate that an increasing number of 8th grade students had used crack during their lifetime as well as on a yearly and monthly basis. Also, fewer 8th graders in 1992 associated great risk of harm with occasional crack use than did 8th graders in 1991. TRAFFICKING Trafficking/Distribution Levels Crack trafficking is conducted at three broad levels, namely, wholesale trafficking, mid-level distribution, and retail selling. It must be emphasized that these classifications are not concrete and the activities of a specific violator or group may vary. For example, as will be explained later, the functions of a Jamaican posse may encompass all three levels within the same organization. Wholesale Trafficking: Crack traffickers purchase cocaine HCl in kilogram or multikilogram allotments from traditional cocaine HCl sources, including Colombians and Mexicans. The wholesale traffickers will either package the cocaine HCl into ounce quantities or convert it into crack themselves and then divide it into ounces for sale at the next level. Wholesalers usually represent large groups that are responsible for the majority of the interstate transportation of crack and cocaine HCl intended for crack conversion. The higher levels of crack trafficking are controlled by many small (up to 10 members) and mid-sized (10 to 40 members) trafficking organizations consisting of bands of individuals from distinct ethnic groups. The main participants involved in wholesale crack trafficking are Los Angeles-based street gangs, Jamaican posses, and Haitian and Dominican groups. Without exception, each of these groups started out as poly-drug traffickers, dealing primarily in marijuana and cocaine HCl, and continue to sell these drugs. Similarly, street-level sellers often sell retail units of other drugs in addition to crack. Mid-level Distribution: Distributors further divide the ounces of crack into dosage units for sale at the retail level. If they purchase cocaine HCl, they can perform the conversion process easily themselves. These distributors often operate crack houses or manage street-corner sales locations and supervise up to 20 individual sellers. Mid-level distributors can be either members of larger groups or independent operators. Retail-level Sales: Sellers carry dosage units of crack totaling no more than a few grams at any one time. Workers in crack houses will sell dosage units from the one or two ounces that are delivered by the mid- level distributors. Retailers are typically young males who are unemployed or destitute and many of them are crack addicts themselves. At the retail level, crack is sold by countless individual sellers, usually in inner-city sections of large metropolitan areas. Upon arrest, these retailers are almost immediately replaced. While crack sellers and users are present in virtually every ethnic community and economic group, the majority are from low-income, urban African-American and Hispanic neighborhoods. Trafficking Networks Over the past few years, crack trafficking has expanded from the large urban centers to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas across the United States. Major crack trafficking groups, such as the Crips, the Bloods, and Jamaicans, are successfully extending their networks from large cities, including Detroit, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York City, to street corners and dwellings in virtually every State including Alaska and Hawaii. This is occurring primarily for two reasons. First, these groups are attempting to enlarge their customer pools and increase their potential profits; second, the threat of disruption by law enforcement pressure or aggressive competition has generated the search for less hostile environments. Jamaican posses are making advances away from the traditional strongholds of Miami and New York City, targeting new crack markets. Areas witnessing increased posse activity include Dallas and Kansas City; Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, West Virginia; and the Florida Panhandle. Jamaican posses reportedly have been distributing crack as far westward as south-central Los Angeles. In a similar manner, the Crips and the Bloods or their affiliates have been moving eastward into cities such as Birmingham, Denver, Detroit, Las Vegas, and Phoenix, as well as into West Coast cities such as Seattle. Recent reports in the media suggest that these gangs are also moving into New York City. In effect, posses and gangs have crisscrossed the nation with crack- trafficking networks. When crack first became available in New York City, it was sold by small local bands of independent street sellers. Quite soon, however, these sellers were incorporated into the lowest level of large organized networks. The most successful groups increased their membership by adopting other gangs through strong-armed persuasion or eliminated their leadership altogether. As the groups grew larger, they attracted more law enforcement attention. In the late 1980's, New York City's two largest crack distribution organizations, Lido and Based Balls, were successfully dismantled by Federal, State, and local law enforcement agencies. Currently, the larger groups in the United States are trying to insulate themselves from law enforcement detection by scaling down and streamlining their crack production and sales operations. The tedious and labor-intensive process of shaving off dosage unit size rocks of crack from larger chunks and packaging them in countless tiny plastic bags or vials in cumbersome factory style operations is ill suited to the clandestine nature of drug distribution. Recent disruption of a large number of organizations by law enforcement has created a distribution and sales system composed of many small groups operating in a limited number of neighborhoods. Trafficking Groups The major crack trafficking organizations consist of street gangs, such as the Crips and the Bloods, and groups of Jamaicans, Haitians, and Dominicans. They all use similar trafficking and distribution techniques and are engaged in interstate and intrastate transportation of wholesale amounts of crack and cocaine HCl. They also have the knowledge, experience, drug connections, manpower, and firepower to ply their trade over long distances. The majority of the information contained in this section was obtained from the Middle Atlantic-Great Lakes Organized Crime Law Enforcement Network Fifth Annual Conferences on International Caribbean Organized Crime held June 15-19, 1992, and June 29 through July 2, 1993, in Baltimore. Jamaicans: One of the most effective crack trafficking groups in the United States is the Jamaican posse. Posses consist of gangs of Jamaican immigrants, often illegal aliens, that are involved in many criminal activities other than drug trafficking, including robbery, fraud, and money laundering. From these activities, posses receive an estimated one billion dollars annually drug proceeds. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) estimates that, currently, there are approximately 35 posses operating in the United States with total membership numbering at least 11,000. Most posses maintain some type of link to the larger, more established groups or parent posses in New York City or Miami, such as the Shower, Spangler, Dunkirk, and Jungle posses. New York City is generally considered to be the hub of Jamaican posse activity. Jamaican posses are extremely violent, competitive, and individualistic. As a result, the structure of Jamaican organized crime will remain fragmented, lacking disciplined organizations and alliances which are common characteristics of traditional organized crime. Also, successful prosecution by Federal authorities over the past several years has disrupted much of the organization and control of the most prominent posses that operated nationwide. As a result of these factors, a large number of newly named splinter groups have evolved under the direction of new posse bosses. Jamaican posses are attempting to insulate themselves from law enforcement pressure and violent competition by distancing themselves from the often dangerous day-to-day operation of crack houses and by distributing larger amounts of cocaine, in effect simply supplying those same crack houses and street level distribution sites. Jamaicans are also initiating alliances with members of other ethnic drug trafficking groups. For example, Jamaicans have been attempting to establish connections with Colombian and Mexican wholesale suppliers of cocaine in order to eliminate middlemen and related additional costs. Also, Jamaicans have been employing other minorities such as Haitians because they are willing to work for less in the lower levels of the distribution chain. Jamaicans also are distributing other illegal drugs such as heroin and marijuana; a few have been able to realize higher profits from heroin distribution. Moreover, some Jamaicans have returned to trafficking marijuana because the Federal penalties for marijuana trafficking are less severe than those for crack and cocaine HCl, yet the profit potential is almost as high. A common method of operation by Jamaican posses is termed "drip" trafficking. In an attempt to escape law enforcement efforts and to protect against seizure, loss, or theft by competitors, Jamaican posses do not stockpile large amounts of drugs and money; rather, they move smaller quantities more often and more quickly. In their efforts to expand crack sales and increase profits, Jamaican posses are branching out to other cities and rural areas to establish new drug markets where competition from rival gangs and law enforcement activity is lessened. This migration has been observed in Dallas, Denver, Kansas City, Washington, D.C., and northern Florida. The Southwest border area has seen a significant influx of Jamaican traffickers during the last five years because cocaine HCl and marijuana are much cheaper to purchase in that region of the country. As a result, they have set up storefronts, usually garages, hair salons, or music stores, to mask distribution outlets and to launder proceeds. Since weapons can be purchased for less in Texas than in other southern States, Jamaicans often use females to make straw purchases of guns which are then sent to New York and other cities in the Northeast. Drugs, proceeds, and weapons are all shipped to different locations using a variety of means. Commercial airlines have proven to be an effective method of transportation. When interdiction efforts at particular airports become prohibitive, couriers drive to airports in other cities to elude law enforcement. Buses, trains, and rental vehicles are also popular methods of shipment. False compartments are frequently built into vehicles for transportation of drugs, money, and weapons. Additionally, mail services such as United Parcel Service and Federal Express are used to ship drugs and profits for the Jamaican posses. Dominicans: While some official estimates of the number of Dominicans living in New York City are as low as 350,000, ATF claims the actual number, including illegal aliens, may be closer to 1,000,000. The hierarchy of Dominican gangs is slightly different than that of the Jamaicans in that the Dominican bosses usually run their networks from the Dominican Republic directly, traveling to and from the United States as needed. Dominican gangs are always armed and employ modern equipment and techniques in their daily operations, including walkie-talkies, "kel" transmitting devices, booby traps (to protect drugs and money from police action as well as from theft by competitors), and use of counter- surveillance, which they practiced in the Dominican Republic in order to elude the police. Like the Jamaican posses, the Dominican traffickers are very violent and competitive and, as a result, do not easily form tightly structured and disciplined organizations. Although some reports suggest the emergence of a Dominican drug cartel, no evidence has been brought forth to verify the existence of an organization capable of orchestrating large-scale importation and trafficking activities. However, this eventuality should not be dismissed because, since the early 1980's, the Dominican Republic has been used by Colombians as a refueling and transshipment point for drugs destined for the United States and cooperation between Colombian and Dominican traffickers has flourished. Dominicans have made gains in establishing money-laundering operations and front companies, most commonly travel agencies and check cashing businesses. At times, they purchase businesses outright or make deals with the owners or proprietors to carry out their orders. It is not known to what extent drug proceeds are sent directly to the Dominican Republic. Overall money transfers are estimated to be approximately $800 million per year. Haitians: Haitian drug traffickers in the United States have been able to strengthen their status in the drug trade through two significant events. First, an influx of Haitian immigrants since the early 1970's has provided a large pool of recruits for the drug trade. Second, by the late 1980's, Haiti had become an important way station for cocaine HCl shipped into the United States by the Colombian cartels. At present, Haitian crack traffickers operate in a limited number of major cities, primarily Miami and New York, and have not extended their operations as the Jamaicans have. Many Haitian sellers are moving their way up the distribution hierarchy by working at the lower levels of crack operations run by other ethnic groups. Street Gangs: Street gangs, operating under the umbrella names of the Crips and the Bloods, extended their networks from the streets of Los Angeles to many major American cities in the last half of the 1980's. Sales of crack and cocaine HCl brought them power and influence during that time. Gang members learned quickly that the cheap cocaine available in Los Angeles could be sold as cocaine HCl or crack at great profit in other parts of the country. Los Angeles street gangs are very loosely organized in small units or "sets" falling under the auspices of the two predominant gangs, the Crips and the Bloods. The general street gang structure begins with diverse groups of gang members acting as street-level sellers conducting transactions in amounts up to several grams or even ounces on the street or in rock houses. A few of these sellers rise to become mid-level distributors, dealing in amounts of up to one kilogram or more and working between the street-level sellers and the major traffickers. Capable of brokering multimillion dollar deals, the major traffickers, often referred to as "high rollers," are not usually visible gang members and often have direct contacts with Colombian wholesale cocaine suppliers. Initially, gangs sold marijuana and PCP prior to entering into cocaine HCl and crack trafficking, distribution, and sales. Eventually, they developed a mode of operation that closely resembles the Jamaican model. Typically, gang members travel to and establish crack operations in smaller cities and towns where there is little police pressure and competition from rivals. They often gain entry into a community by visiting or living with friends or relatives. In addition to securing lodgings, these visits provide access to young people, potential recruits and customers, and help them attain legitimacy and acceptance within the community. Soon, the gang members will seek out in many instances low-income single mothers and offer them $100 a day to use their apartment or house as a crack conversion or distribution site. A common marketing technique known as "double up" is used by these street gangs to attract new customers and involves the sale of two dosage units of crack for the price of one. Sales Locations With few exceptions, crack distribution takes place either in urban or suburban dwellings of all types or at inner-city street corner locations. Virtually every large city in America has seen the emergence of both of these retail sales locations. The prevalence of one site over the other may be directly linked to two factors. First, weather plays a major role in determining the chosen method of crack distribution. For example, in cities with cold winters, sellers will set up crack houses to escape the elements themselves and to offer customers more hospitable accommodations. In summer, the operation may be moved outdoors where increased pedestrian traffic provides the necessary cover for street corner sales. Second, the presence of significant law enforcement activity may force street corner retailers to set up indoor crack facilities to evade detection. Conversely, if gangs are suffering substantial losses due to police raids on established crack houses, they may dispatch sellers to specific, pre-designated street corner sales locations. The sale of crack at street corner locations is considered to be ideal because it provides sellers many avenues of escape when faced with police pressure. If a particular street becomes too "hot" with police activity, the retailers merely move a few blocks away and continue selling. Moreover, tactics can be employed to mask street corner sales of crack. In New York City, crack distributors have been known to dispatch a seller along with up to 10 people dressed exactly alike to work a street corner in an attempt to disrupt surveillance efforts. In addition, street corner operations do not require expenditures for rent and utilities, as is the case with crack houses. HEROIN AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY Within the United States, heroin is readily available in all major metropolitan areas having user populations. During 1992 and the first few months of 1993, there was an increase in purity nationwide at the retail level and increased supplies available from Southwest Asia. (It should be noted that high purity heroin has been imported from Colombia in increasing quantities in the past year. This heroin from Colombia, which underwent signature analysis prior to DEA's development of a South American heroin signature in July 1993, was analyzed as having a Southwest Asian (SWA) signature. As a result, it may account in part for both the increased purity and quantity of SWA heroin in the United States.) At present, street-level purity, the key indicator of availability, is at high levels, particularly in the northeastern metropolitan areas. Heroin from every major source area is available in the United States, which is the most lucrative wholesale and retail level heroin market in the world. The origin of heroin smuggled into the United States and the proportion from each source area is tracked by DEA's Heroin Signature Program (HSP). Each year an in-depth chemical analysis is performed on 600 to 800 samples taken from heroin seizures and purchases made in the United States. The samples selected for signature analysis include all DEA seizures at U.S. points of entry and other seizures/purchases selected at random from DEA, in addition to Federal Bureau of Investigation, and U.S. Customs Service seizures and purchases. As a result of signature analysis, DEA chemists are able to associate the heroin sample with a heroin manufacturing process unique to a particular geographic source area. The proportion of samples associated with each geographic area is measured both in terms of the number of samples from each geographic source area and, since 1989, the net weight of the heroin samples from each area. In 1991, Southeast Asia (SEA) was the prevalent source area for heroin in the United States for the fourth year in a row, accounting for 58 percent of the heroin samples analyzed through the HSP. SWA heroin and Mexican source heroin accounted for half of the remaining samples with 21 percent apiece. In 1992, the results of the HSP were skewed by the introduction of a number of samples of purported Colombian heroin. Because a specific signature for heroin from Colombia was not available then, most heroin samples of alleged Colombian origin are analyzed as having a Southwest Asian signature. With this in mind, preliminary HSP figures for 1992 reflect that 44 percent of the heroin samples analyzed were from Southeast Asia, 39 percent from Southwest Asia or Colombia, and the remaining 17 percent from Mexico. Signature analysis also reveals that SEA heroin accounted for 88 percent of the total net weight of the heroin samples analyzed in 1991, and 58 percent in 1992. SWA heroin (including heroin from Colombia) accounted for nine and 32 percent of the total net weight of the heroin samples analyzed in 1991 and 1992, respectively. Mexican heroin accounted for three percent of the total net weight in 1991 and 10 percent in 1992. U.S. airports, particularly New York's JFK International Airport, are primary entry points for heroin shipments destined for the U.S. market. The HSP shows that 91 percent (454 out of 498) of the heroin seizures that took place at the U.S. border and points of entry during 1992 occurred at airports, and that over 75 percent of the airport seizures occurred at New York's JFK International Airport. The nationwide average net weight airport seizure was almost 800 grams and the average purity of the heroin seized at these airports was 73 percent. Nationally, in 1992, a kilogram of SEA heroin sold for $90,000 to $250,000. In the northeastern United States, SEA heroin is also commonly sold in units (700 grams), which sell for $90,000 to $115,000. The price for SWA heroin ranged from $80,000 to $200,000 per kilogram. Wholesale level prices for Mexican heroin were the lowest of any type of heroin and ranged from $50,000 to $150,000. The wide range in the price of a kilogram reflects several variables including buyer/seller relationship, quantity purchased, purchase frequency, purity, and transportation costs. Numerous and diverse foreign sources of supply also account for the wide variances. At the mid-level of the traffic, where dealers sell quantities ranging from an ounce to multiounces, SEA heroin and SWA heroin sold for $5,500 to $12,000 per ounce. Mexican black tar heroin sold for between $1,800 and $4,000 per ounce, and Mexican brown powder heroin prices ranged from $ 1,000 to $ 1,800 per ounce. Domestic prices for Colombian-source heroin are generally compatible with the prices for heroin from Southeast and Southwest Asia. Kilogram prices quoted in undercover negotiations range up to $150,000 and vary depending on final point of delivery. In actual undercover purchases of smaller amounts, one-eighth of a kilogram cost $23,500, one-fourth of a kilogram cost $42,500, and one-half kilogram sold for $62,250. Heroin is sold at the retail level in the United States at prices ranging from $10 to $50 and in quantities ranging from 10 to 50 milligrams. The retail price remains relatively constant at this level because retail-level purity, rather than retail-level price, is adjusted by the distributors to account for availability and to manipulate profit margins. The HSP provides purity information on heroin shipments smuggled into the United States at the importation, or wholesale, level. For all types of heroin at this level, the nationwide average purity in 1992 was 64 percent. SWA heroin was the purest form available at the wholesale level, averaging 72 percent. SEA heroin nationwide averaged slightly lower at 68 percent, while Mexican heroin averaged 33 percent. At the retail level, purity is tracked by DEA's Domestic Monitor Program (DMP), a heroin purchase program designed to provide price, purity, and geographic source area data on heroin being distributed on the streets of U.S. cities. The program is conducted quarterly in one city from each of DEA's 19 field divisions and San Juan, Puerto Rico. According to DMP data for 1992, the nationwide average purity for retail level heroin was 37 percent. This percentage was much higher than the average of 6.9 percent recorded a decade ago and also considerably higher than the average purity of 26.6 percent recorded in 1991. The increase in average purity corresponded directly to an increase in availability of high purity SEA and SWA heroin. Although Mexican heroin has been traditionally of lower purity than other heroin types in recent years, it too increased in purity at the street level. Street-level purity of SWA heroin analyzed in the DMP during 1992 was the highest for all sources, averaging 55.8 percent, while Mexican heroin, at 25.6 percent, almost doubled between 1991 and 1992. SEA heroin remained widely available in the northeastern United States with an average purity of 34.4 percent. Heroin purity at the street level was generally highest in the northeastern United States, where a large percentage of the nation's user population lives. In New York City, one of the major importation and distribution centers for SEA and SWA heroin, the average purity at the street level for these types of heroin was, respectively, 54.3 percent and 69.7 percent. Boston recorded the highest average purity of retail level heroin in all of the DMP cities with an average of 73.7 percent during 1992. USE The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1992 indicated a decrease in the number of past-year heroin users. Survey data show that the number of Americans 12 years of age or older who have used heroin at least once in the past year declined from 381,000 in 1991 to 323,000 in 1992. During that same time frame, however, the number of past-month heroin users increased from 83,000 to 107,000. The increase in the number of lifetime heroin users to 2,653,000 in 1991 appears to have been an anomaly, as the 1992 estimate has declined to 1,840,000. (Estimates of heroin use from the Household Survey are considered very conservative due to the probable under coverage of the population of heroin users.) According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, heroin use increased among high school seniors. Although 1.2 percent of the seniors in the class of 1992 reported they had used heroin at least once in their lifetime, up from 0.9 percent in the class of 1991, it was still below the peak of 1.3 percent reported in the classes of 1989 and 1990. Moreover, for the first time in recent years, there was a statistically significant decline among seniors in the perceived risk of harm associated with heroin use. The National High School Survey also shows that lifetime heroin use among 8th graders increased from 1.2 percent in 1991 to 1.4 percent in 1992, past year use remained steady, and past-month use increased from a 0.3 percent in 1991 to 0.4 percent in 1992. Among 10th graders, both lifetime and past-month use remained stable from 1991 to 1992, while past-year heroin use increased form 0.5 percent to 0.6 percent. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of nationwide heroin-related emergency room episodes, which had been fluctuating somewhat during the past several years, increased substantially from the first to second half of FY 1992. During that time frame, the number of heroin-related episodes rose from 18,192 to 24,593, an increase of 35 percent. Cities showing substantive increases during the latter half of FY 1992 in the number of heroin-related emergency room episodes included Baltimore, Boston, Los Angeles, New York City, and Seattle. Possible explanations for the rising levels of heroin-related emergency room episodes have been provided by a number of drug epidemiologists and treatment specialists. Reports indicate that segments of the crack cocaine user population are using or switching to heroin as a means to mitigate the depressive effects associated with withdrawal from crack. There are additional reports of the appearance, in a limited number of areas, of new distributors attempting to establish markets as well as the growing involvement of youth gangs in the heroin traffic. Moreover, heroin is now being sold in white as well as African-American and Hispanic neighborhoods in a limited number of cities. In New York City, anecdotal information indicates that more teenagers and females are selling heroin than in the past. Lastly, there is a perception among some users that heroin is a safer drug than cocaine, while certain others consider heroin use to be "cool." The latter represents a radical departure from previous attitudes toward heroin use. Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the injection of heroin continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for heroin-related problems. However, the percentage of patients who indicated that injection was their primary route of administration has decreased from 79.1 percent in FY 1989 to 73.9 percent in FY 1992. During this same time frame, there was an increase in the percentage of patients who snorted heroin. Those who snorted heroin rose from 4.8 percent in FY 1989 to 8.8 percent in FY 1992. Increases in snorting are attributed, in part, to a fear of contracting AIDS through needle sharing and the availability of high- purity heroin on the street. Opiate use (to include heroin) among recently booked arrestees as reported by the DUF Program remained relatively low and stable in 1992 when compared to rates for cocaine and marijuana. Cities having the highest percentage of positive urinalysis tests for heroin among booked male arrestees in the first half of 1992 were Chicago at 19 percent; New York City at 18 percent; San Antonio at 15 percent; San Diego at 16 percent; Washington, D.C., at 11 percent; Los Angeles at 11 percent; and Philadelphia at 12 percent. Female arrestees tested positive at high rates in New York City (24%), Portland (22%), Washington, D.C., (19%), San Diego (17%), Detroit (15%), Phoenix (15%), San Antonio (14%), and Los Angeles (13%). TRAFFICKING SEA Heroin Trafficking Major SEA heroin trafficking organizations, often under the control of Sino-Thai and Chinese criminal groups, oversee the smuggling of SEA heroin into the United States. Chinese traffickers in the United States with links to these international criminal groups are the most prolific importers and distributors of heroin from Southeast Asia. Chinese or Thai nationals are often used to transport the heroin and are generally responsible for the largest bulk shipments, in the multihundred kilogram range, of SEA heroin smuggled into the United States. Around 1986, these Chinese smuggling groups took over the multibillion dollar wholesale heroin trade that had been controlled for over two decades by Traditional Organized Crime groups in the United States. Over the next few years, ethnic Chinese traffickers flooded the northeastern United States, the largest heroin market in the country, with bulk shipments of high-purity SEA heroin. In recent years, these highly structured clandestine Chinese organizations have increased the size and number of heroin shipments to the United States. In the wake of increased availability, the layers of mid-level distributors in the New York City area were eliminated and Chinese wholesalers sold directly to Dominican street-level dealers, a development that resulted in enhanced heroin purity at the street level. SEA heroin traffickers use a variety of transportation routes to smuggle heroin into the United States from the Far East. One of the major routes originates in Bangkok and terminates in New York City, the largest heroin importation and distribution center in the United States. (Each year since 1986, roughly half of DEA's nationwide seizures occur in the New York City metropolitan area.) Maritime cargo shipments are the primary transport method for smugglers using this route and the shipments may transit a variety of countries including Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Singapore, and Taiwan. Many shipments from the Far East are also transshipped through Canada and then into the northeastern United States. Traffickers smuggle heroin shipments aboard commercial airlines originating in Bangkok and then transit almost any Asian city, as well as a number of cities in Europe and Canada. In addition to New York City, other U.S. cities in the Northeast, including Boston and Philadelphia, are also used as entry points. Traffickers also use West Coast cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle as entry points for heroin shipments destined for the Northeast. Chinese traffickers employ a variety of smuggling methods. Generally, the size of the heroin shipment determines the smuggling method. The largest shipments, ranging from 50- to multihundred-kilogram quantities, are secreted in containerized freight aboard commercial marine vessels and air freight cargo. Smaller shipments are concealed in the luggage of airline passengers, strapped to the body, or swallowed. SEA heroin smugglers also use the mails and delivery services to transport multigram to kilogram quantities into the country. Traffickers using commercial cargo originating in source countries frequently attempt to disguise the origin of the cargo shipment by first transshipping containers through several other countries or by falsifying the container documentation. In 1992, 35 kilograms of heroin, which were shipped from Singapore concealed in ceramic tiles, were seized in Newark, New Jersey. In May 1991, the largest heroin seizure in U.S. history occurred near Oakland, California, when 494 kilograms of SEA heroin were seized from a commercial cargo of plastic bags aboard a merchant vessel. The shipment originated in Thailand and was transshipped through Taiwan prior to importation into the United States. In addition to the Chinese and Sino-Thai traffickers, Nigerians remain deeply entrenched in the smuggling of SEA heroin. Nigerian traffickers dispatch large numbers of internal body couriers traveling aboard commercial airlines bound for the United States. These "swallowers," including Nigerians as well as other nationalities recruited as couriers, can smuggle up to two-kilogram amounts of SEA heroin per trip. Moreover, recent reporting suggests that a number of Nigerian trafficking groups are experimenting with smuggling larger (multikilogram) shipments of heroin concealed in commercial maritime cargo. Most Nigerian organizations are based in Lagos, Nigeria. Since they are formed along tribal lines at the senior levels, the organizations are close-knit. Drug barons who control the Nigerian organizations remain well-insulated by directing lower-level traffickers to recruit the numerous couriers, often non-Nigerians, and to organize travel to the United States. In 1992, Nigerians returned almost all profits generated in the United States to Lagos, Nigeria, or to Europe for laundering. As a result of enforcement pressure, Nigerians continue to recruit other ethnic groups, including other West Africans, Europeans, and American citizens, as heroin couriers. New York's JFK International Airport was the entry point used most frequently by Nigerian trafficking organizations in 1992. However, during the past year, Nigerian traffickers diversified both the smuggling routes used to reach the United States and their points of entry into the country. For example, West Africans, in all likelihood controlled by Nigerians, made a limited number of attempts to smuggle heroin through entry points along the United States Southwest border and the Canadian border during 1992. Nigerians have established heroin distribution networks in U.S. cities with well-established Nigerian populations such as Atlanta, Baltimore, Chicago, Dallas, Houston, Newark, New York, and Washington, D.C. These networks are capable of supplying heroin ranging from 100-gram to multikilogram quantities on a regular basis. During 1992, reporting from a DEA investigation in Dallas indicated that Nigerian heroin traffickers collaborated with members of Jamaican posses in distributing heroin from Jamaican-controlled crack houses in Dallas and hired posse members as enforcers to protect Nigerian operations. SWA Heroin Trafficking SWA heroin in the United States increased in availability and purity during 1992 and the first few months of 1993. While some of the rise in purity levels for SWA heroin is in all likelihood attributable to the influx of high-purity heroin from Colombia, investigative reporting and laboratory analysis show that traditional SWA heroin traffickers are also smuggling a purer form of heroin into the United States. Importation and distribution of SWA heroin is much less centralized than that for SEA heroin, both geographically and in regard to trafficking groups. A number of ethnic groups from Southwest Asia, the Middle East, and Europe are active in smuggling SWA heroin into the United States, and its distribution; these ethnic groups include Afghans, Greeks, Iranians, Israelis, Lebanese, Pakistanis, and Turks. SWA heroin is transported to the United States directly from producing countries, as well as transshipped through Europe and Africa. Significant quantities of SWA heroin bound for the United States are also transshipped through the Canadian cities of Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver. Although New York City is a major SWA heroin importation and distribution center, heroin is also smuggled into and distributed throughout the Northeast; in Mid-Atlantic cities such as Baltimore and Washington, D.C.; in some cities on the West Coast such as Los Angeles, San Diego, and San Francisco; in some Midwestern cities including Chicago and Detroit; and in Puerto Rico. Other points of entry for SWA heroin include Houston and Miami. Most SWA heroin trafficking groups in the United States are highly cohesive and difficult to penetrate because they are based on ethnic, familial, and tribal relationships. SWA heroin importers and wholesale level distributors generally are very cautious and rarely transact with outsiders. As a result, SWA heroin trafficking and distribution are generally more prevalent in cities that have large populations from Afghanistan, Greece, Lebanon, Pakistan, and Turkey, such as Chicago, Detroit, and New York City. SWA heroin traffickers rely less on commercial cargo as a smuggling method than their counterparts from Southeast Asia. Generally, SWA heroin traffickers, unlike Chinese traffickers, do not smuggle heroin on a large scale, such as multiple bulk shipments. However, they are able to regularly smuggle shipments ranging from one to 20 kilograms and, on occasion, larger amounts. Many SWA heroin trafficking organizations use commercial cargo and couriers aboard commercial airlines to smuggle one to five kilograms on a steady basis. However, several organizations are capable of smuggling from five- to 10 kilogram shipments aboard maritime vessels on a fairly regular basis. Pakistani traffickers, who smuggle SWA heroin, control importation routes into the United States and distribution networks in New York City and other cities in the East and Midwest. This heroin is occasionally transshipped through California as well. Pakistani traffickers are adept at developing new smuggling techniques and unique concealment methods, such as specially designed vests with pockets to conceal heroin, which are worn underneath the clothes of couriers on airlines. Pakistanis regularly transact business with Afghan and Indian traffickers, and other ethnic groups from Southwest and South Asia. Some Nigerians still smuggle and distribute SWA heroin but most are now more active in trafficking SEA heroin. Lebanese trafficking groups appear to be increasing their level of smuggling into and distribution in the United States, particularly in Boston, Detroit, and New York, cities with large Lebanese communities. Moreover, some SWA heroin originally destined for the European market is now smuggled into the United States because Lebanese traffickers, in an effort to maximize profit margins, are exchanging SWA heroin for cocaine with Colombian cocaine organizations. (At the wholesale level, heroin prices in the United States are higher than in Europe, while cocaine prices in Europe are higher than in the United States.) Mexican Heroin Trafficking Mexican heroin, in brown powder form as well as the more widely available black tar form, is produced almost exclusively for the U.S. heroin market. The smuggling and distribution of Mexican heroin to and within the United States is controlled by organizations composed of Mexican nationals and Mexican-Americans. Mexican trafficking organizations are often made up of family members, lifelong friends, and other trusted associates. While some Mexican organizations control the entire process from opium production and heroin processing in Mexico to the management of transportation and distribution networks in the United States, other trafficking organizations operate independently on a smaller scale. Mexico's extensive land border with the United States provides smugglers numerous entry points into the country. Heroin is smuggled across the U.S. Southwest border in relatively small amounts, most often ranging from gram- to multiounce quantities, by large numbers of illegal immigrants and migrant workers. Occasionally, there are large seizures, such as the April 1993 seizure of approximately 10 kilograms of black tar heroin at Blythe, California, but such amounts are the exception. Generally, Mexican heroin seizures do not exceed one or two kilograms. The use of numerous couriers to smuggle relatively small quantities of Mexican heroin is characteristic of the smuggling methods employed by Mexican heroin traffickers. These traffickers take advantage of their close proximity to the United States by stockpiling the larger quantities of heroin in Mexico and then smuggling smaller amounts as transactions in the United States are arranged. Most traffickers believe their heroin stockpiles are less susceptible to law enforcement in Mexico, and by storing heroin there they minimize the danger of U.S. authorities seizing significant amounts of heroin. According to investigative reporting, even large poly-drug Mexican organizations, which are capable of smuggling multiton quantities of cocaine and marijuana, limit smuggling of Mexican heroin into the United States to kilogram and smaller amounts. Traffickers who distribute Mexican heroin within the United States are generally Mexican immigrants, primarily from the States of Durango, Michoacan, Nuevo Leon, and Sinaloa. Mexican organizations control distribution at the wholesale level but are not generally involved in street sales which are often managed by local gangs. Smuggling methods include concealment in motor vehicles, public transportation vehicles, internal and external body carry, and commercial package express services. Females are used much more frequently than males as couriers for transporting heroin and money across the border. Once the heroin is smuggled into the United States, transportation is arranged to metropolitan areas in the western and southwestern States where there are sizable populations of Mexican immigrants. Heroin is also transported to the Chicago, Denver, and St. Louis metropolitan areas, primary markets for Mexican heroin. In the United States, Mexican black tar heroin is usually sold by the "piece" or Mexican ounce, which weighs 25 grams. Colombian Heroin Trafficking The availability of heroin from Colombia increased in the United States during the latter half of 1992 and early 1993, according to seizure analysis and investigative reporting. While most evidence suggests that Colombian traffickers are still operating at a fairly low level, the potential of the Colombian heroin threat is serious, primarily because of the smuggling resources controlled by the Colombian cocaine cartels. At present, Colombian heroin traffickers are attempting to establish distribution outlets in the United States, particularly in the metropolitan areas of the Northeast, and, as a result, are smuggling a heroin of very high purity, generally 80-plus percent. The high purity is essential in order for the Colombian traffickers to break into the fiercely competitive retail heroin markets in Boston, Newark, New York City, and Philadelphia, where street level purity averages over 50 percent. Colombian heroin is also available in southern New England cities, such as Hartford and Bridgeport, Connecticut, and Providence, Rhode Island, where, according to reporting from the Boston Field Division, Cali Cartel cocaine networks are operating. Currently, significant investigations of Colombian heroin trafficking organizations are underway in Miami, Newark, New York City, San Diego, and San Juan, Puerto Rico. Since 1991, most of the Colombian heroin smuggled into the United States has been transported by couriers aboard commercial airlines, a method requiring numerous couriers carrying amounts ranging up to a kilogram per trip. Colombian couriers commonly transport the heroin in false- sided briefcases and luggage, inside hollowed-out shoe soles, or by internal body carry methods. Much of this activity appears to be the work of smaller, independent Colombian traffickers, according to investigative reporting from the DEA Bogota Country Office. According to the El Paso Intelligence Center, the number of Colombian couriers who were arrested on commercial airlines carrying heroin into the United States increased from 41 in 1991 to over 260 in 1992; most of these seizures occurred at either Miami or New York's international airports. The majority of Colombian couriers arrested in Miami confessed to being en route to New York City or possessed follow-on tickets for that destination. Individuals with an end destination of Miami were often instructed to check into a local hotel and await further instructions. The primary method of smuggling (ingestion) employed by Colombian traffickers and the seizure amounts (usually less than 500 grams) indicate that Colombian traffickers presently are not able to supply heroin on the same scale as Chinese, Nigerian, or Southwest Asian traffickers. To date, the largest shipment seized involved a June 1992 airdrop of just under 15 kilograms of heroin on a Puerto Rican beach; this shipment may have been tied to the Colombian cocaine cartels. However, as the cocaine cartels become more involved in heroin smuggling and distribution, the seriousness of the threat will increase significantly, given their vast resources, control over trafficking routes, and access to a stable cocaine (crack) clientele in the United States. CANNABIS AVAILABILITY/PRICE/POTENCY Marijuana, a Schedule I controlled substance and by-product of the Cannabis sativa L. plant, remained the most commonly used illegal drug in the United States during 1992. Both the cannabis plant and delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the plant's primary psycho-active chemical, are controlled substances. The flowering tops, also known as colas or buds, are valued because of their higher THC content. The flowering tops and leaves are collected, dried, and then smoked in a pipe or as a cigarette. Hashish, which is processed from cannabis, is also valued to a limited extent by some individuals in the United States. Typically, 34 percent of a non-sinsemilla (pollinated) plant contains usable material (the leaf and bud components) and 58 percent of a sinsemilla (unpollinated female) plant contains usable material. The higher the plant density of the grow area, the lower the yield of usable material. In addition, the diameter of the plant is more important than the height for yield predictions. Indoor plants are generally smaller than outdoor plants due to space limitations. The average plant yield for mature, domestically grown sinsemilla is approximately 1.25 pounds per plant. The average plant yield for mature, domestically grown commercial grade marijuana is approximately three-quarters of one pound per plant. Marijuana prices have increased substantially over the past decade. Prices for a pound of commercial grade marijuana during the early 1980's ranged from $350 to $600, while in 1992 the cost ranged from $300 to $3,000. Sinsemilla with its inherently higher THC content, ranged from $1,000 to $2,000 ten years ago. In 1992, the price ranged from $650 to $9,600 per pound. Successful law enforcement efforts have forced some cultivators to move indoors. Cultivators have increasingly moved indoors to avoid detection and to exploit the profit potential of potent sinsemilla marijuana. Indoor growers cultivate sinsemilla because the higher THC content of sinsemilla permits growers to charge higher prices. Scarcity created by law enforcement operations has also increased prices in some areas. Domestic cultivation trends of significance in recent years include cultivator efforts to enhance the potency of marijuana by making use of advanced agronomic practices such as hydroponics and cloning. Such techniques also involve the use of special fertilizers, plant hormones, steroids, and carbon monoxide. During the late 1970's and early 1980's, the THC content of commercial grade marijuana averaged under two percent. By comparison, the average in 1992 was 3.68 percent. The average THC content of sinsemilla in 1992 was 8.34 percent which compares to an average of approximately six percent in the late 1970's and early 1980's. Moreover, in February 1993, a new U.S. record was recorded for the highest concentration of THC analyzed in a marijuana sample. The sample had a THC content of 29.86 percent which is nearly 32 percent higher than the previous record of 22.67 percent reported during 1992. The record high THC content of this sample is an indicator of the continuing trend by indoor growers to produce higher potency marijuana over recent years. USE According to the 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, approximately 67.5 million Americans have tried marijuana at least once in their lifetime. Of these, approximately 2.2 million were from 12 to 17 years of age, nearly 13.5 million were from 18 to 25 years of age, and almost 52 million were 26 years of age and older. Of the 17.4 million people who used marijuana at least once in the past year, nine million used the drug once a month during 1992, and 5.2 million used it once a week or more. Survey data also indicate that the frequency of marijuana use has declined substantially from 1985 to 1992. Overall, past-year, past-month and past-week use of the drug have diminished by nearly 45 percent during that time frame. According to the National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, the long-term decline in the use of marijuana among seniors continued in 1992. However, there was also a decrease in the proportion of that population who believed there was a "great risk" of harm associated with regular marijuana use, possibly presaging a reversal of the downward use pattern. In addition, among 8th graders, lifetime, past-year, and past- month use of marijuana marginally increased from 1991 to 1992. Moreover, 8th graders in the class of 1992 were less likely to view marijuana use as dangerous compared to 8th graders in the class of 1991. Also, the proportion of 8th graders who personally disapproved of marijuana use declined from 1991 to 1992. These shifts in perception may explain the increased use of marijuana among 8th graders. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area marijuana-related emergency room episodes, which had declined from FY 1989 to FY 1991, increased once again during FY 1992. In fact, the number of marijuana-related emergency room episodes rose from 9,231 in FY 1991 to 12,108 in FY 1992, an increase of more than 30 percent. DAWN reporting also shows that nearly one-half of the patients treated for cannabis-related hospital emergency room episodes during the first six months of 1992 were under 26 years of age; approximately 70 percent of these patients were male. The large majority, approximately 80 percent, used marijuana in combination with other substances. Patients most frequently used marijuana in combination with alcohol. The next most common combination involved the use of marijuana with cocaine. Marijuana use among recently booked male arrestees as reported by the DUF Program increased in many major U.S. cities in 1992. The highest levels of marijuana use were reported in Omaha, where 38 percent of the sampled population tested positive through urinalysis. In Indianapolis, the figure was 35 percent; in San Diego, 35 percent; in Denver, 34 percent; in Ft. Lauderdale, 32 percent; and in Miami, 30 percent. Marijuana use among recently booked female arrestees also increased in many cities. In Indianapolis, 26 percent of the female arrestees sampled tested positive for the use of marijuana; in San Diego, 25 percent; in Dallas, 24 percent; in Ft. Lauderdale, 21 percent; in Denver, 19 percent; and in Kansas City, 18 percent. TRAFFICKING Mexico accounted for most of the foreign marijuana available in the United States during 1992. Mexican marijuana is smuggled into the southwestern United States by vehicles, private aircraft, armed backpackers, and horse or mule caravans. Colombia ranks as a distant second behind Mexico as a foreign source of marijuana. Colombian marijuana is smuggled into the United States by noncommercial vessels using traditional maritime routes. Jamaican traffickers have increased marijuana shipments since January 1992. Jamaican marijuana is smuggled into the United States by private and commercial aircraft, and maritime vessels. DOMESTIC CULTIVATION/ERADICATION An estimated 6,000 to 6,500 metric tons of cannabis were cultivated in the United States during 1992. During that year, approximately 3,405 metric tons, representing 7.49 million cultivated plants, were eradicated. Reporting indicates that 31 percent of the cannabis plants eradicated during 1992 was sinsemilla. The five major cultivated cannabis-producing States in 1992 were Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, and Hawaii, respectively. These States accounted for approximately 44 percent of the cultivated cannabis eradicated during 1992. Reports from Indiana and Nebraska over the last two years could signal a possible new trend in marijuana production. The two States report an increase in tended/enhanced ditchweed, a form of marijuana, which grows in the wild. Although ditchweed has low potency, it is mixed with cultivated marijuana to increase quantity. There has been an increase in the cultivation of cannabis indoors year- round in elaborately supported operations that have ranged from several plants grown in closets to thousands of plants grown in specially constructed underground sites capable of producing marijuana worth millions of dollars. Growers also continued to plant cannabis in remote outdoor areas, often concealed or camouflaged by surrounding vegetation. During 1992, the 13th annual DEA-sponsored Domestic Cannabis Eradication and Suppression Program (DCE/SP) was conducted in conjunction with other Federal, State and local law enforcement authorities in 50 States. The National Guard and Civil Air Patrol also participated. The DCE/SP resulted in the eradication of 7.49 million cultivated cannabis plants, 264 million low-potency ditchweed plants, the arrest of 12,369 violators, and the seizure of 5,541 weapons. Moreover, the number of indoor growing operations seized in 1992 reached an all-time high of 3,849, up from 2,848 seized in 1991. Indoor cultivation operations were confiscated in all 50 States during 1992, with the greatest number, 561, seized in the State of Washington. The movement toward indoor production is believed due primarily to successful law enforcement efforts to curtail outdoor cultivation. The average indoor cultivation operation has approximately 100 plants. In addition, an average of one weapon was seized from each indoor operation. In recent years, the DCE/SP has placed increasing emphasis on the investigation and prosecution of major domestic cannabis cultivators and trafficking organizations. The net result during 1992 was the seizure of assets valued at over $69.3 million, over twice the amount seized in 1989 ($29.5 million). The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, National Park Service, and Bureau of Indian Affairs also have long-term programs to combat cannabis cultivation on public lands. One of the major accomplishments of the DCE/SP continues to be Hawaii's Operation WIPEOUT. During 1991, it was estimated that the program eradicated approximately 85 percent of Hawaii's summer cannabis crop. During 1992, Operation WIPEOUT's continued success was evidenced by reports that mainland smugglers were attempting to smuggle marijuana into Hawaii in order to fill the vacuum. Operation WIPEOUT is now conducted as a maintenance program. Every 90 days, the WIPEOUT teams conduct aerial surveillance and eradicate what few cannabis plants they find before the plants reach maturity. More emphasis is also being placed on arresting cultivators. Another major accomplishment of the DCE/SP was the successful lobbying efforts to convince the California State Government to consider herbicidal spraying as a means of eradication. To date, the California State Government continues to study the proposal. Previous requests to use herbicidal spraying in California were met with strong resistance based on environmental, as well as political, concerns. Spraying will be conducted in limited areas on a trial basis. Kansas, South Dakota, and Texas are also considering herbicidal spray programs. DEA continues to conduct a special enforcement program entitled Operation GREEN MERCHANT that targets major indoor growing operations. To date, DEA, together with State and local authorities has seized nearly 4,000 growing operations, arrested over 1,500 violators, and frozen millions of dollars in illicitly acquired profits and assets. METHAMPHETAMINE AVAILABILITY/PRICE/PURITY Methamphetamine is available in varying quantities in most areas of the United States, except for the northeastern and Mid-Atlantic regions where, for the most part, it is encountered infrequently. Availability is primarily concentrated in the western and southwestern United States where most clandestine laboratory activity occurs. Methamphetamine is also available in limited retail amounts in the Southeast and somewhat larger quantities in the Midwest. The production of methamphetamine, as evidenced by the number of reported clandestine laboratory seizures to DEA, has decreased each year since 1989. During 1992, 288 methamphetamine laboratories were seized. This is in comparison to 652 laboratories seized in 1989, 429 in 1990, and 315 in 1991. The decrease in laboratory seizures is attributed to the ongoing enforcement of Federal and State chemical control legislation. The 1988 Chemical Diversion and Trafficking Act (CDTA) became effective in 1989, and enables the Federal Government to regulate listed precursor and essential chemicals used in the clandestine synthesis of dangerous drugs. Over the last three years, most States have passed legislation similar to the CDTA. The price of methamphetamine at the wholesale (pound) level has remained relatively constant during the past four years. In 1992, methamphetamine prices ranged from $5,000 to $22,000 per pound, $300 to $2,500 per ounce, and $45 to $200 per gram. Nationwide purity of methamphetamine at the ounce and gram levels averaged 46 and 53 percent, respectively, during 1992, compared to 35 and 34 percent, respectively, during 1991. (Pound-purity levels are unavailable due to infrequency of purchases at that level.) USE The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse for 1991 showed that an estimated 5.2 million Americans 12 years of age and older have used methamphetamine at least once in their lifetime. (Lifetime prevalence rates for 1985, 1988, and 1990 are not available. The lifetime prevalence rate for 1992 is not yet available. Data concerning past- year, past-month, weekly, and daily prevalence rates for methamphetamine are also unavailable.) Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan area methamphetamine-related emergency room episodes decreased at a relatively steady rate from the first half of FY 1989 through the first half of FY 1992. However, this downward trend reversed itself during the latter half of FY 1992. During the second half of FY 1992, there was a 52-percent increase in the number of emergency room episodes involving methamphetamine. Despite this, second-half FY 1992 emergency room episodes remained below those reported in FY 1989. DAWN emergency room data indicate that methamphetamine abuse is concentrated in the metropolitan areas of San Diego, San Francisco, and Los Angeles In San Diego and Los Angeles, methamphetamine-related hospital emergencies increased sharply during the latter half of 1992. Nationally, approximately 75 percent of the patients treated for drug abuse episodes involving methamphetamine were white; nearly 65 percent were male; approximately 25 percent were between 18 and 25 years of age, and 40 percent were between the ages of 26 and 34. Approximately 45 percent of patients treated in emergency rooms as a result of methamphetamine abuse indicated that their use of methamphetamine was due to dependence. Approximately 20 percent had come to the emergency room because of an overdose, approximately 30 percent as a result of an unexpected reaction to the drug, and more than 20 percent came due to the chronic effects associated with methamphetamine abuse. Reporting from DAWN also indicates that the injection of methamphetamine continues to be the predominant route of administration used by patients admitted to DAWN emergency rooms for methamphetamine-related problems. Despite this, the percentage of patients who indicated that injection was their primary method of administration decreased slightly during the past year from 38.4 percent in FY 1991 to 34.9 percent in FY 1992. Moreover, there has been an increase in the percentage of patients who smoked methamphetamine during the past several years. Those who smoked methamphetamine increased from 3.9 percent during FY 1989 to 6.8 percent during FY 1992. ILLICIT MANUFACTURE Laboratory Seizures Although clandestine methamphetamine laboratory seizures declined during 1992, methamphetamine remained the most prevalent, clandestinely manufactured controlled substance in the United States. According to DEA reporting, 288 methamphetamine laboratories were seized during 1992, which accounted for 87 percent of all clandestine dangerous drug laboratory seizures. The 1992 figure represents a nine percent decrease from the previous year's total of 315 laboratories seized and continues the downward trend in laboratory seizures that began in 1990. DEA field divisions in Dallas, Denver, Los Angeles, Phoenix, San Diego, San Francisco, and Seattle, seized approximately 83 percent of all methamphetamine laboratories during 1992. This clearly indicates that the clandestine manufacture of methamphetamine is still primarily based in the western and southwestern United States. Methamphetamine laboratory seizures declined from 1991 to 1992 in 14 DEA field divisions including the San Francisco Division which continued to report the highest number of seizures. Sixty-seven clandestine methamphetamine laboratories were seized during 1992 by the San Francisco Division compared to 81 in 1991. However, DEA's Los Angeles, San Diego, Phoenix, Dallas, and St. Louis offices reported an increase in the number of laboratories seized within their respective areas. Clandestine laboratories have been seized from every imaginable location from suburban homes, garages, apartments, mobile trailers, urban dwellings, and industrial areas to specially-designed underground vaults. The laboratories have been camouflaged, booby-trapped, buried underground, conveyed, and abandoned. Laboratory Operations Laboratories are usually constructed in very rural areas across the United States; however, an increasing number of small laboratories are being located in urban and suburban neighborhoods where they pose a significant threat to health and safety. Not only are methamphetamine laboratories used to produce an illegal, often deadly drug, but they have caused explosions, fires, and toxic fumes. Chemicals associated with clandestine laboratories have proven to be environmental pollutants and health hazards. Clandestine laboratories are usually operated on an irregular basis rather than on a regular schedule. Operators often produce a batch of methamphetamine then disassemble the laboratory and store it or move it to another location while they acquire additional chemicals. Storage facilities are often utilized to house (safeguard) chemicals, glassware, and the finished product. An operator will often utilize different locations to manufacture methamphetamine. Therefore, it is not uncommon for an organization to have multiple laboratory sites. Relocating the laboratory affords some protection against detection by law enforcement authorities. Clandestine laboratory operators are often well-armed, and their laboratories are occasionally booby-trapped as a security precaution. Numerous weapons, including explosives, are routinely confiscated in conjunction with clandestine laboratory seizures. Public safety, and environmental concerns are of little importance to illicit drug laboratory operators. Every year, a number of clandestine laboratories experience fires or explosions which lead to their discovery. Laboratory operators often waste essential chemicals as they attempt to synthesize a high-quality batch of finished product. They usually dispose of these and other hazardous chemical wastes by unsafe and illegal methods, often dumping these wastes on the ground or in nearby streams and lakes, pouring them into local sewage systems, or burying them underground. Individuals who synthesize methamphetamine are commonly referred to as "chemists" or "cooks." This level of education and knowledge of chemistry can vary from high school dropouts with no real chemical knowledge to professional chemists with graduate degrees in chemistry. These "cooks" most typically have very little formal training; rather, they frequently follow a handwritten recipe or have learned to synthesize methamphetamine from underground publications, apprenticeships, or during incarceration. There are, however, a number of "chemists" that are fairly adept or knowledgeable with regard to synthesizing methamphetamine. These individuals utilize chemicals more efficiently, thus increasing the yield ratio of chemicals to finished product. In addition, the "chemist" has the proficiency to solve problems which may occur during the manufacturing process. This is in contrast to operators who simply follow a recipe and who are generally unqualified to perform corrective measures. MANUFACTURING METHODOLOGIES Although the manufacture of methamphetamine can be accomplished by a variety of chemical synthesis methods, it is most commonly produced using the phenyl-2-propanone (P2P) or ephedrine reduction routes of synthesis. The ephedrine reduction method was once most often used in clandestine laboratories located in California, and has since become widespread throughout much of the United States. It is preferred over the P2P method of methamphetamine production for three reasons. First, it is a simpler route of synthesis; second, the effects of the resulting product are more pronounced; and, third, ephedrine is more readily available to clandestine laboratories in California and in the Southwest. A relatively new and simple procedure to synthesize methamphetamine has been noted using a variation of the ephedrine reduction method. The process is being called a "cold cook" method on the streets because an external heat source is not required for the synthesis to proceed. The method uses commonly available material and chemicals to manufacture between one to two ounces of methamphetamine per batch. The process is commonly performed in such readily available containers as two 32-ounce sports drinking bottles, insulated coffee cups, mugs, or in modified laboratory glassware. CHEMICAL DIVERSION Integral to the manufacture of illicit methamphetamine are the chemicals and equipment necessary to operate a clandestine laboratory. Whether the phenyl-2-propanone, ephedrine reduction, or other method of synthesis is used, various combinations of chemicals, glassware, and equipment are required. The acquisition of chemicals is, therefore, a vital and readily identifiable component of the illicit trafficking cycle. Chemical control legislation enacted at the Federal and State level has made it increasingly difficult for operators to obtain needed chemicals. Consequently, trafficking organizations are constantly seeking new sources and developing ways in which to circumvent the law. They manufacture some of their own chemicals, utilize "runners" to purchase necessary chemicals under threshold amounts, and experiment with alternate, non-regulated chemicals. Laboratory operators obtain regulated chemicals, such as ephedrine, by purchasing over-the-counter products which are exempt from the provisions of the CDTA. Chemicals are also acquired from "rogue" chemical companies or in States which have less restrictive chemical laws or in such countries as Mexico and Canada. MANUFACTURlNG/DISTRIBUTION ORGANIZATIONS Methamphetamine manufacturing/distribution operations vary greatly in size, structure, and degree of sophistication. Some laboratory operators act as their own chemists; others hire chemists to run the laboratories for them. Many manufacturers are independent producers who cook for various organized groups. This is particularly true of larger organizations which may hire or contract chemists to manufacture methamphetamine in return for cash, finished product, or a combination of the two. Other cooks manufacture for themselves rather than for a particular organization. Leasing storage facilities, procuring chemicals, securing the laboratory site, and setting up glassware and equipment may be the responsibility of one person or many different individuals. Several individuals may simply work together to combine their expertise, chemicals, etc., on an ad hoc basis. The number of individuals which comprise an operation and the function each performs differs from one organization to the next. Throughout the United States, numerous individuals, groups, and organizations from independent entrepreneurs and outlaw motorcycle gangs to Mexican poly-drug trafficking organizations currently manufacture and distribute methamphetamine. Nationally, independent entrepreneurs represent the largest identifiable group involved in methamphetamine- related investigations. To a lesser degree, outlaw motorcycle gangs continue to play a role in the distribution aspect and influence production in certain areas. They most typically insulate themselves by financing manufacturing operations rather than becoming directly involved themselves. The most noteworthy trend in recent years is currently taking place in California where Mexican traffickers dominate the large-scale production and distribution of methamphetamine in the San Diego, Riverside, San Bernadino, and Fresno areas. In fact, the high volume of methamphetamine manufactured and distributed is the distinguishing characteristic of Mexican traffickers involved in dangerous drug production. Numerous 22-liter setups are frequently utilized in laboratories operated by Mexican traffickers to produce an average of 20 to 80 pounds during each manufacturing process. Traffickers set up laboratories or "cooks" in very remote areas throughout southern and parts of northern California Organizations may purchase property or pay for the short-term use of a site in order to acquire a secure manufacturing location. An organization may utilize one location multiple times. Mexican illegal aliens are most frequently encountered at these laboratory sites. In some cases, they are hired as helpers or to maintain the reaction process, while the actual chemist visits periodically to ensure the operation is functioning properly. In other cases, Mexican illegal aliens are responsible for all facets of the manufacturing process. Chemicals are generally stored in stash houses and brought to the laboratory site on a limited basis. The amount of chemicals present at the laboratory is usually restricted to what is required to complete a particular cook. Chemicals are procured for these laboratories from sources in the United States and Mexico. Chemical brokers recruit runners to make purchases at rogue chemical companies. Additionally, ephedrine, a precursor for methamphetamine, is easily accessible to Mexican traffickers; the chemical is currently shipped, without restriction, from Germany to Mexico and subsequently smuggled across the United States-Mexican border in privately owned vehicles. Moreover, brokers supply chemicals to numerous manufacturing organizations. Organizations assist each other in obtaining chemicals and glassware. A certain amount of cooperation exists among many of these organizations; links between these groups were already established through their long-standing cocaine, heroin, and marijuana connections. There are indications that groups which previously manufactured methamphetamine are now finding it more cost effective to purchase it from Mexican sources. In addition, there is limited evidence to suggest that Mexican traffickers may be attempting to expand their operations to other areas of the country. There are also indications that methamphetamine is currently being manufactured in Mexico and subsequently smuggled into the United States. SOURCE AREAS California is a primary source for methamphetamine in many areas throughout the United States. However, the manner in which manufacturing operations are carried out often makes it difficult to determine the origin of the source of supply. Operators manufacturing in a particular area may distribute the finished product to associates residing locally, in neighboring States, or in other geographic areas. Privately owned vehicles are the modes of transportation used most frequently in the nationwide distribution of methamphetamine. LSD AVAILABILITY/PRICE/POTENCY DEA reporting indicates that LSD (Iysergic acid diethylamide) is available in at least retail quantities in virtually every State in the United States and that availability is increasing in a number of States. Reporting also indicates that an increasing number of individuals or groups are manufacturing and distributing or attempting to manufacture and distribute LSD in the United States. In the last two years, DEA seized or purchased LSD in 33 States and Washington, D.C. LSD availability has been reported by either DEA offices or State and local police authorities in many of the remaining 17 States. Northern California appears to be the source of supply for most of the LSD available in the United States. LSD is available in several forms, including blotter paper, tablets, gelatin, sugar cubes, and liquid. Tablets can be purchased in several areas, however, most of the retail doses are in the blotter-paper form. Microdots are available in California, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, New Jersey, and Vermont. Gelatin in the "windowpane" variety has been reported in Michigan and sugar cubes are available in Colorado and the Washington, D.C., area. Personal-use doses of liquid LSD in vials have also been reported in Colorado, Illinois, New York, and West Virginia. LSD is relatively inexpensive. The average price is approximately five dollars per retail dosage unit and costs less than one dollar per dosage unit in wholesale lots of 1,000 dosage units or more. When compared with marijuana, which sells for $40 to $450 per ounce, LSD is perceived by many drug users as a bargain, especially if one considers the duration of its effects which can persist for up to 12 hours in higher doses. Although there has been some fluctuation in the price of LSD nationally during the past several years, overall prices remain relatively low. LSD potency or strength is measured in micrograms. In the 1960's and early 1970's, LSD potency generally ranged from 100 to 200 micrograms per dosage unit or higher. Analysis of exhibits during the late 1970's indicated an average potency in the 30- to 50-microgram range. From the mid-1980's to the present, LSD potency has remained considerably below levels reported during the 1960's and early 1970's and has generally been in the range of 20 to 80 micrograms per dosage unit. As a result of this comparatively low dosage level, many users perceive LSD as "safe," thus enhancing the drug's attractiveness. USE The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse data for LSD are limited to estimates of lifetime use, defined as the use of LSD at least once in a person's lifetime. During 1991, 11.8 million Americans, 12 years of age and older, reported having used LSD at least once compared to 8.4 million in 1985, an increase of 40 percent. The data reveal two significant expansions in the number of lifetime users of LSD; one expansion occurred from 1985 to 1988 and the other from 1990 to 1991. According to the 1992 National High School Survey on Drug Abuse, past year use of LSD among seniors in the class of 1992 increased to the highest level since at least 1985. Current (monthly) use of LSD among 10th and 12th grade students remained relatively stable from 1991 to 1992. Among 8th graders, however, current use of LSD increased during that same time frame from 0.6 percent to 0.9 percent. Moreover, past- year use of LSD rose in all three grade levels from 1991 to 1992. DAWN reports indicate that the estimated number of nationwide LSD- related hospital emergency room episodes increased from FY 1989 to FY 1990. Although abuse patterns have been somewhat erratic since that period, the current number of LSD-related episodes remain above those reported during FY 1989. ILLICIT MANUFACTURE AND TRAFFICKING A total of six clandestine synthesis LSD laboratories have been seized since 1981; however, these were all seized prior to 1987. LSD producers fall into two groups. The first is composed of chemists, manufacturers, and distributors, located in northern California, who work together in close association; they are normally major manufacturers capable of distributing LSD nationwide. The second group of producers work independently. The independent producers are encountered in almost any part of the country, however, their product is intended for local consumption only. Wholesale LSD trafficking patterns are not well understood; however, three theoretical models have been developed, which outline organizational structures, production methods, and trafficking patterns. These theoretical models may help to explain how clandestine LSD activity occurs. Law enforcement officials call these organizational patterns: the Independent Entrepreneurial Model, the Inner/Outer Circle Group Model, and the Association Model. The Independent Entrepreneurial Model: A number of law enforcement officials believe some LSD manufacturers and distributors, who are not part of the northern California group, entered the market due to increased demand and the opportunity for high returns on a small investment. Examples of this type of loosely-structured organization have been noted in cases in Austin, Texas; New Orleans, Louisiana; Hartford, Connecticut; and Denver and Boulder, Colorado. The common feature in each of these cases was an individual or a small group of individuals who manufactured LSD independently from any California source of supply. Some entrepreneurs who have manufactured or have attempted to manufacture LSD have been known to law enforcement officials for years; however, the number of independent traffickers appears to have increased recently. The Inner Circle/Outer Circle or Single Group Model: This model is thought to be organized under one close-knit group, the inner circle, which controls the vast majority of LSD manufacturing and distribution in the United States. The inner circle is probably composed of five to 10 principal individuals who possess specialized functions. These specialists would include chemists, bulk storage custodians, financial/transportation specialists, and executives who manage overall operations. The inner circle controls the means of manufacture; they assemble, operate, disassemble, and store laboratory equipment; and keep a reserve amount of LSD on hand for distribution. They sell from 10- to 200-gram lots to a limited number of multigram distributors. This inner circle presumably accrues multimillion-dollar profits and only conducts business with the next level of distribution referred to as the "outer circle." The outer circle consists of multigram distributors who supply a number of teams, groups, or individuals. They sell LSD at $1,000 to $3,000 per gram and accrue an estimated $300,000 to $600,000 per year. Close Association Model (An alternative theory to the Inner Circle/Outer Circle or Single Group Model): In this model, a small group of people located in northern California, who have known each other for over two decades, control the manufacture and distribution of LSD. However, in contrast with the Inner Circle/Outer Circle theory, these people do not work in one structured organization. They come together, as necessary, to acquire chemists, chemicals, working capital, etc. They work as consultants or advisors to each other in order to meet their common goal of producing and distributing LSD. They may work together as a unit to prepare and distribute one batch of LSD, but after that is accomplished, they leave the association until another opportunity arises. They have strong loyalty to each other and are living comfortably, but they are not thought to be motivated primarily by profit. DISTRIBUTION Lower-level distribution of LSD usually occurs in three ways. First, an individual attends a rock concert, meets a source of supply, and exchanges telephone numbers with the source of supply. Normally, these purchases are for retail quantities of up to 100 doses. Second, if this individual decides to continue distributing, he/she would then call the source for additional amounts. Usually the source has either continued on the concert tour or has returned home, which is frequently northern California. If the source intends to stay on the tour-making subsequent communication difficult-the source provides the telephone number of an associate for future orders. After the initial purchase, almost all transactions are made via the public and private mail systems. Payments to a source of supply are usually made through legitimate money wiring services. Third, some dealers travel directly to California to meet their sources of supply. Reporting indicates that shipment methods used to transport both large and small quantities of LSD are often similar. LSD is frequently concealed in greeting cards, in cassette tapes, or in articles of clothing that are mailed to a post office box established by the recipient. This post office box is usually listed under a fictitious name or business. Normally, no return address is provided on the package or envelope. Moreover, it is suspected that some multigram distributors will travel to their source in order to obtain supplies. Retail or user level quantities range from one- to 10-dosage units. Low- level distributors sell 50- to 100-dosage-unit quantities. Mid-level distributors sell 1,000-dosage-unit quantities as well as multiples of 1,000 units. These distributors normally have more than one source of supply and sell to several lower-level dealers. The sources of supply for gram-distributors are in all likelihood located in northern California. These sources normally convert LSD from powder or liquid form to blotter form. Multigram distributors travel to California to obtain LSD personally and are in association with numerous lower-level dealers. PCP AVAILABILITY/PRICE Phencyclidine, commonly referred to as PCP, is available in varying degrees in a limited number of U.S. cities, primarily Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. During 1992, PCP in liquid form, the most common form available in the United States, sold for $150 to $1,000 per ounce nationally. The lowest liquid-ounce prices were reported in Los Angeles, the source for most of the PCP trafficked in the United States, where such quantities sold for $150 to $300. Nationwide, the price for PCP in powdered form ranged from $400 to $2,000 per ounce. During 1992, the price for a gallon of PCP ranged from $3,000 to $10,000 in Los Angeles and up to $13,000 in New York City. Individual cigarettes saturated with PCP sold for between $5 dollars and $70 nationwide. USE PCP is sold on the street under numerous names including: Angel Dust, Crystal, Supergrass, Killer Joints, Ozone, Wack, Embalming Fluid, and Rocket Fuel. These names reflect the range of its bizarre and volatile effects. The liquid form of PCP is the most commonly encountered, but it is also sold in tablets, capsules, and as a powder. PCP is typically applied to a leafy material such as mint, parsley, oregano, or marijuana, and then smoked. PCP has been used to adulterate commercially-manufactured cigarettes, usually by dipping them in liquid PCP, which is PCP dissolved in ether. The most popular commercial cigarettes are dark paper-wrapped brands such as Shermans or Tijuana Smalls. PCP can also be injected hypodermically into cigarettes. In 1957, PCP was developed as a human anesthetic and later used in veterinary medicine as a powerful tranquilizer. In 1965, medical use for humans was discontinued because of adverse side effects such as confusion and delirium. In 1978, its commercial manufacture was discontinued and PCP was transferred from Schedule III to Schedule II of the Controlled Substances Act, thus classifying it as a drug with a high potential for abuse. PCP enjoyed a brief popularity in the late 1960's when it was trafficked as a "Magic Peace Pill." Abuse of the drug resurfaced from the mid-to- late 1970's because of low price and powerful effects. From the period 1981 through 1985, abuse of the drug escalated significantly, particularly among persons under the age of 21. Cities which experienced significant PCP availability and abuse levels in the early-to-mid-1980's included Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, New Orleans, New York City, San Diego, San Francisco, St. Louis, and Washington, D.C. Around 1986, and continuing through the early 1990's, demand for PCP was displaced in large measure by the widespread availability and use of crack cocaine. More recently, however, there are indications that PCP abuse is increasing once again in a number of cities. The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse showed that lifetime and past-year PCP use among the U.S. household population decreased from 1985 to 1990; however, 1991 and 1992 survey data indicate an end to this downward use pattern. From 1990 to 1992, the number of Americans aged 12 years and older, who used PCP at least once, increased from six million to 8.2 million, while the number who had used PCP in the past year increased from 307,000 to 467,000. Nevertheless, the number of past-year users in 1992 remained significantly below the number reported in 1985 when approximately 1.2 million Americans reported using PCP at least once yearly. According to the 1992 National High School Senior Survey on Drug Abuse, PCP use among 12th graders has declined significantly during the past seven years. From 1985 to 1992, the percentage of seniors who used PCP at least once in their lifetime decreased from 4.9 percent to 2.4 percent. Comparable declines were also reported during that same period in the percentage of seniors who used PCP during the past year and past month as well as on a daily basis. This diminished use is believed to be due in large part to a significant increase among 12th graders in the perceived risk of harm associated with PCP usage. Reporting from DAWN shows that the estimated number of metropolitan-area PCP-related emergency room episodes, which had been declining at a substantial rate during the past three years, rose from 1,353 during the first half of FY 1992 to 2,380 during the second half of FY 1992, more than a 75-percent increase. Cities having high or increased PCP abuse rates during the second half of FY 1992 included Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. TRAFFICKING AND ILLICIT MANUFACTURE Reporting indicates that the majority of the nation's PCP supply is manufactured and distributed by Los Angeles-based street gangs. While buses, trains, and airlines are used to transport PCP from California sources of supply, private automobiles are believed to be the primary means for transporting PCP across the country. Female couriers are used very frequently and the amounts transported generally range from one to two quarts. PCP traffickers also use the U.S. mail system and express delivery services to transport PCP. Four PCP laboratories were seized in 1992 compared to three in 1991. Two of the 1992 seizures were in northern California and one each near Chicago and Philadelphia. PCP laboratory seizures since the mid-1980's have ranged from three to 21 per year, totals which are considerably less than the high of 79 reported in 1978. No PCP laboratories have been seized thus far in 1993. APPENDIX The NATIONAL HOUSEHOLD SURVEY ON DRUG ABUSE, sponsored by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), is a series of national surveys to measure the prevalence and frequency of drug use among the U.S. household population aged 12 and over. The survey samples the civilian non-institutionalized population living in households, college dormitories, and military installations and, therefore, does not include some segments of the U.S. population which may contain a substantial proportion of drug users, such as transients and those who are incarcerated. The SAMHSA publishes survey results on an annual basis. The NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL SENIOR SURVEY is a series of nationwide studies of drug use frequency and related attitudes among high school seniors in the United States. The survey is conducted annually by the University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research and funded by research grants from the SAMHSA. In addition to high school seniors, the study includes the recently-added national surveys of 8th and 10th grade students. For the 1992 survey, approximately 50,000 8th-, 10th-, and 12th-grade students across the country were questioned. The DRUG ABUSE WARNING NETWORK (DAWN) is a large-scale data collection system implemented in 1972 and designed to be an indicator of the severity, scope, and nature of the nation's substance abuse problem. The purpose of DAWN is to provide data on the incidence of drug abuse related episodes from participating hospital emergency rooms located in 21 U.S. metropolitan areas. DAWN is managed by the SAMHSA. The NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF JUSTICE (NIJ) established the Drug Use Forecasting Program (DUF) in 1987 to identify and monitor trends in drug use among arrestees in the United States. Each quarter, at central booking facilities in 24 participating jurisdictions, arrestees are asked to participate in a voluntary, anonymous interview and to provide a urine specimen. Urine samples are analyzed to detect the use of cocaine, opiates, marijuana, PCP, methadone, benzodiazines (such as Valium), methaqualone, propoxyphene (such as Darvon), barbiturates, and amphetamines. The results of the urinalysis testing are published by the NIJ on a quarterly and annual basis. DISTRIBUTION The White House National Security Council Office of National Drug Control Policy Department of Justice Federal Bureau of Investigation/DlU Federal Bureau of Prisons Immigration and Naturalization Service INTERPOL/USNCB Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces U.S. Marshals Service Department of the Treasury Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Internal Revenue Service U.S. Customs Service U.S. Secret Service Department of Defense Defense Intelligence Agency National Security Agency Central Intelligence Agency/CNC Department of State U.S. Coast Guard DEA Headquarters, DEA Field Offices, DEA Laboratories El Paso Intelligence Center Financial Crimes Enforcement Network National Drug Intelligence Center International Association of Chiefs of Police (Narcotics Committee) National Alliance of State Drug Enforcement Agencies National Sheriffs' Association [NOTE: The published report from which this information was input includes additional text and accompanying tables and figures.] |
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